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Last updated: 2011.02.27
Demjanjuk 2009 Munich Trial
Germany is guilty  Declaration to Munich Court, 13Apr2010; John Demjanjuk    [Ukrainian version] [German version]
Stop relentless persecution of me  Declaration to Munich Court, 23Nov2010; John Demjanjuk [Eng/Ukr]
Third Statement in Germany  Declaration to Munich Court, 22Feb2011; John Demjanjuk [Ukr/Eng pdf]
Trawniki ID cards: Forms and Stamps

trawniki1393.html  (archive)
transcripts2001.html  (archive)

Analysis of Trawniki ID 1393 card

As I have written previously , it was the KGB via Michael Hanusiak in 1975 that publicized the Trawniki ID card, which purportedly indicates that Mr. Demjanjuk was sent from Trawniki to Sobibor on 27 March 1943. Photographs of the card, the picture thereon and the name Ivan Demjanjuk spread like wildfire throughout the Jewish community. By the fall of 1976 Mariam Radiwker had induced several survivors in Israel to identify Mr. Demjanjuk to have been in Treblinka; but no one identified him as being in Sobibor.

The 1981 denaturalization trial started with only photostatic copies of the card available. Unexpectedly, the Soviets allowed experts for the prosecution and defense to examine it at their Embassy and made it available to Judge Battisti for one morning session. I did not and  do not have access to the transcripts of the 1981 trial [So-called human rights activist, Irwin Cotler in Montreal, Canada's future Minister of Justice and Attorney-General, declined to make his copy available to my late wife, Lily.], so I cannot comment on the testimony on this card at that time.

A. Circa 1987, Ed Nishnic sent us an analysis of the card by Dr. F. Winterberg dated 08May1987. We summarize and comment on his three main points:

Winterberg Analysis, 1985.05.08  (pdf file)

(1) Use of ss rather than ß (called sharp s) in the words Essgeschirr, Fusslappen, Grösse (Eßgeschirr, Fußlappen, Größe).
[Cassell's New German Dictionary (1958) confirms this observation. The "extra" card of Solanchukow #2537 contains a correct spelling of Fußlappen and the sharp ß is correctly used in other words.]

(2) Schnurschuhe should be Schnürschuhe -- that is, there should be an umlaut on the first u.
[In none of the B/W photostats in my possession of the 4 ID cards from the Jerusalem trial is this umlaut visible -- even under magnification. However, in the high-resolution colour images from the Munich trial (see trawniki1393.html), there are tiny lines like acute or grave accents where the bottom edge of the umlaut should be. One can speculate as to the relevance of this.]

(3) Additional remarks:
- The runic letters for SS in different areas of the card are at different angles and appear to be inserted by hand.
- The two swastikas on the card appear to be hand-carved.
- There is no date of issue of the card and no thumbprints. (See Solanchukow #2537, Slowjagin #1999 for example of thumbprints.)
- The uniform on the picture appears to be Russian and not German.

Winterburg concludes that the Trawniki ID card is a forgery.

B.  The next document I would like to analyze was obtained by the late Eugene Harasymiw (1941.02.14 -- 2004.10.02) from an elderly gentleman, who emigrated from Germany to Alberta after WWII, but is now deceased. To protect his family, I will refer to him and his analysis dated 02Apr1988 as April1988. The author was obviously very knowledgeable on German wartime documents, procedures and the German language, but had a poor command of English. He typed his manuscript on an English-language manual typewriter using ae for ä, ue for ü, etc.

With the assistance of a friend, we scanned and OCRed the manuscript to create a Word and pdf file, and then edited these to create an edited pdf file using German letters. We summarize and comment on his 11 points below:

Dienstausweis Nr. 1393, 1988.04.02  (edited pdf file)  Original (pdf file)

(1) There is no "DIN" or "Formblatt" number. The name of the "Druckerei" is not shown.
[See 1333-Tkatschuk for example: Möller Printers, Oranienburg 1943.03.20]

(2)  The uniform is Russian, not German. Staplers had not yet been introduced. Stapler holes in picture indicate that photo was later transferred. Conclude that "the picture originated from the man's Russian draft papers".

(3)  Non-Germans could never become members of the SS, but could become members of "national" Waffen-SS units.

(3a)  The "Ausweis" (14.8 cm x 21.6 cm) is much larger than the standard size (10.4 cm x 14.8 cm).
"Fraktur Schrift" was used on an official Ausweis. "Demjanjuk" Ausweis is in "Rundschrift" and other letter types.

(4)  "Vatersname" is not proper German grammar. "Vatername" or "Vaters Name" would be proper German.

(5)  "Abkommandiert am ....... zu ........" should read "Abkommandiert am ....... nach ........". One never travels "zu Berlin", but "nach Berlin".
[See 1653-Agejews for handwritten "nach".]

(6)  "Der Demjanjuk,  Iwan ......" is improper German.

(7)  The SS emblem resembles the letters SS rather than the real "Ruhne". The SS Ruhne are slanted at different angles and appear to be inserted by hand.

(8)  The items listed under "Empfangene Ausrüstungsgegenstände" are not normal in the German army.
-  A member of the German forces never received a "Bluse".
- "Fußlappen" were issued with the marching boots and were never entered as a separate entry.
- The term "Eßgeschirr" was never used. The proper term is "Kochgeschirr". (See Solanchukow #2537 )
- "Trinkbecher" and "Feldflasche" were never entered separately. Proper entry was "Feldflasche und Brotbeutel".
- The carrying case "Seitengewehrtasche" for the bayonet was never entered. "Seitengewehr" had no number, thus could not be entered.
(9)  The author discusses the transition from old German writing (Suetterlin Schrift) to Latin writing  (Einheitsschrift) in 1934 and points out the mixture of the two used by Corporal Teufel in his handwriting of his name, "Ruksak" and "Rottff". He points out that there should be only one "f" in the abbreviation "Rottf" and that "Ruksak" should be spelled "Rucksack". Furthermore, the accent over the "u" in "Ruksak" is bowed upward (to indicate an "n") rather than being bowed downward (to indicate a "u"). [W.Z. There is a similar mark over the signature of "Teufel"]

(10)  Finally, April1988 argues that the phrase "Der Beauftragte des Reichsführers-SS" does not reflect the German administration procedure of that time. It should have stated "Im Auftrage des Reichführers der SS und Chef der Deutschen Polizei, Heinrich Himmler."  But the administration of concentration camps was under the jurisdiction of the SD and Gestapo headed by Joseph Kaltenbrunner. Himmler would not interfere with the responsibilities of Kaltenbrunner.

April1988 concludes: "Demjanjuk's Ausweis is a forgery in every detail."

[W.Z. It is difficult for an English-speaking individual with little knowledge of German to appreciate the significance of the observations made by April1988. An individual (or individuals) with a German background and full knowledge of the German language, German administrative procedures and German wartime procedures is required to study and expand on these observations.]

C.  Neither Dr. Winterberg nor April1988 were aware of the existence of  cards similar to the 1393-Demjanjuk Ausweis -- such as the cards of 847-Juchnowskij, 1211-Wolembachow and 1926-Bondarenko released by the Soviets (presumably via KGB operative Armand Hammer) to the Israelis late in the Jerusalem trial in 1988. Neither was anyone associated with the Demjanjuk defense aware of the many other similar cards in the Soviet archives, which were later released to the OSI (Office of Special Investigations -- the rogue element in the Department of Justice in the United States).

These new cards are listed in our trawniki1393.html archive under PDF files .  They consist of 51 b/w low-resolution pdf files of very poor quality. On the right hand side,  you will notice a column containing L1, L2, S, "Ben" corresponding to the version of the card as explained in the Introduction . The next column indicates the pattern of the official seals (circular stamps) A, B, C, D that appear on the outside and inside of the cards. An analysis of the forms and stamps is included in the trawnikiTypes.html file.

You will also notice the name Bazilevskaya, the MGB translator, and the date on which she purportedly translated and signed the card. Finally, below these 51 pdf files, you will find a Microsoft Excel file TrawnikiPDF.xls in which I have listed some of the macro characteristics of these files on Sheets 1 to 3. (Included therein is Trawniki2626 from an external source.) In particlular, Sheet 3 summarizes the data in the trawnikiTypes.html file.

Overview of 51 OSI-supplied pdf files

(1)  Although there are 52 files in our Excel database, there are only 50 independent names and ID numbers, since 1333-Tkatschuk and 3695-Ostafijtschuk are treated twice.

(2)  Of these 52 files, 21 are version L1, 10 are version L2, 17 are version S, 1 is version "Ben" and 1 is "Pritsch". (Two files are repeated names.) Completely different is the one from Poland (941-Pritsch) and the Möller Printers card associated with 1333-Tkatschuk. Another completely different card is associated with 2537-Solanchukow.
All 4 of the cards that appeared at the Jerusalem trial are version L1.

(3)  Of the 52 files, only 9 have all three required signatures:
(a) Richtig empfangen: no signature (40), visible signature (11, of which 4 appear to be in Latin), cutoff (1)
(b) Ausgegeben: no signature (15), Teufel (19), Burger (6), Drechsel (4), Matschke (4), unknown (1), blank (3)
(c) Hauptsturmführer: no signature (3), Streibel (34), Höfle (10), Schwarzenbacher (1), Franz (1), cutoff (1), blank (2)
Seven of the cards with all 3 signatures are version L1 (1123, 1393, 1573, 1653, 1759, 1926, 2112), where only 1123 and 1759 were not translated by Bazilevskaya. Two of the cards were version L2 (1333, 1337).  In trawniki1393.html, these are identified with a red asterisk * before the L1 or L2.

(4) Nationality: Ukrainian (39), Russian (9), Latvian (1), Tatar (1), Terek Cossack (1), Volksdeutsch (1)
It should be noted that of the 39 Ukrainians listed (many from the Kolomyia region) there is no signature for 30 of them and in 12 cases there is no record of them being posted anywhere.

(5) First posted to: Nowhere (17), Lublin (10), Lviv (6), Budzyn (4), Poniatowa (4), Treblinka (2), Okzow (2), miscellaneous (7)

(6)  Location of archive: FSB Moscow (23), Ukraine (9 in Ivano-Frankivsk, Dnipropetrovsk, Kyiv?), Latvia (1), Warsaw (1), Holocaust Museum (1), External (1), No information (16)

(7)  Dates of Hindrichs translation:
(a) 1995.03.31 (1333-Tkatschuk, Moller Printers)
(b) 2001.05.22 (33) - Obviously in preparation for 29May-07Jun2001 denaturalization trial. Most of material obtained in 1999.
(c)  Eight translations between 2001.08.02 to 2003.01.17 .
(d) There were no translations for 10 files.

(8) Z. Bazilevskaya, MGB translator, signature: (29)
The signature of Bazilevskaya and the date of translation appears on 27 of the 51 pdf files supplied by the OSI. In addition, we are confident that her name is also associated with 2112-Swesdun and the second file of 3695-Ostafijtschuk , where her name has been blacked out. A careful examination of the Russian writing on the rest of the cards may add to this total of 29.

The time of her translations can be divided into three periods:

(a)  Monday, 1947.10.27 for 1185-Kartaschew and 1211-Wolembachow (Jerusalem trial). Both are version L1.

(b)  A two week period from Thursday, 1948.03.04 to Monday, 1948.03.15 during which she translated 26 cards of which 10 were version L1, 6 were version L2 and 10 were version S. These include 1926-Bondarenko, 847-Juchnowskij and 1393-Demjanjuk originally released for the Jerusalem trial (version L1). It also includes 1016-Daniltschenko (version S), whose "protocols" were withheld from the Demjanjuk defense in the 1981 denaturalization trial and the 1986-1988 Jerusalem trial.

(c)  Tuesday, 1949.03.08 for the very intriguing pdf file of 2537-Solanchukow (version S). It appears that Ms. Bazilevskaya originally translated the card as a version L1 card on 1948.10.15, but made the appropriate correction to an S card on 1949.03.08 . [One can speculate as to the significance of this.]

It is interesting to study the work habits of Ms. Bazilevskaya during her 2 week stint from the 4th (Thursday) to the 15th (Monday) of March 1948. [Thursday (6), Friday (0), Saturday (5), Sunday (0), Monday (0), Tuesday (5), Wednesday (0), Thursday (2), Friday (4), Saturday (0), Sunday (0), Monday (2)]

A normal work week would start on a Monday and end on a Friday. We note that there are no translations credited to Wednesday, March 10, 1948. Is it just a coincidence that 1974 is the year when March 10, 1974 is a Sunday and March 04 is a Monday and March 15 is a Friday? We must remember that it was in 1974 that Michael Hanusiak travelled to Moscow and conspired with the KGB to send a list of names to the U.S. authorities and  release the Trawniki ID card accusing Mr. Demjanjuk of being a Nazi war criminal.

So the question arises. Is Ms. Bazilevskaya an MGB translator from the 1948 era? Or is she part of the KGB conspiracy initiated in 1974? It is amazing that neither the OSI, the U.S. courts, the Israeli prosecution, nor the Israeli courts insisted that Ms. Bazilevskaya be asked to testify as to her translations of these cards. When asked by Michael Tigar during the 2001 denaturalization trial, whether the U.S. authorities had made any inquiries about Ms. Bazilevskaya, Charles Sydnor stated that they had not. [p712 of JD20010605.pdf]

In my opinion, it is unconscionable that the prosecution has not provided, and the courts have not demanded, a detailed chain of custody of all the documents utilized in the John Demjanjuk case. The testimony of Z. Bazilevskaya is crucial to obtain an understanding of the Trawniki ID cards. The Demjanjuk defense must demand that Ms. Bazilevskaya (or her superiors) be called to testify and the Munich court should uphold this demand.

(9) Overlap of the four versions of the Trawniki ID cards:
One would expect the Trawniki administration to order several thousand of the "Dienstausweis" forms from an official "Druckerei" and to issue identity cards consecutively starting with the numeral 1. Should the first batch run out, the administration would order another batch from the original Druckerei. The numbers on the four versions (L1, L2, S, "Ben") of the 50 cards in the pdf files increase randomly from 303 to 4417.  The version L1 cards range from 303 to 2128; the version L2 cards range from 749 to 3443; the version S cards range from 1016 to 4188; and the sole version "Ben" card is 4417. Thus, there is a huge overlap in the various versions for which there is no logical explanation.

The first version S card, 1016-Daniltschenko, was obtained from Dnipropetrovsk, Ukraine about 12May1994 and was officially translated by Hindrichs on 22May2001 just in time for the 2001 denaturalization trial. This is especially important because the OSI withheld the so-called Danilchenko "protocols" from the court and the Demjanjuk defense in the 1981 denaturalization trial and in the Jerusalem trial. And it is being introduced in the Munich trial. We note that the next version S card is 2061-Schtscherbinin.

Similarly, the first version L2 card, 749-Jarosch, was officially translated by Hindrichs on 19Nov2002, but, strangely, the pdf file does not state from where and when this document was obtained. The next L2 card is 1333-Tkatschuk.

The only version "Ben" card, 4417-Ben, was obtained from Moscow about 11Mar2001, but was not officially translated by Hindrichs until 16Oct2001, such that it was not submitted to the Demjanjuk defence or the court at the 29May2001 denaturalization trial. We note that this OSI-created pdf shows only the inside of the card, such that we do not know what the outside of the card looks like. Whether the image of the outside of the card is in the possession of the OSI, or the personnel in the FSB archives declined to supply it to the OSI is not known.

D. Soviet attitude toward Ukrainian independence
Ukraine's struggle for independence over the centuries, and especially since World War I, is well documented. The ill-fated Treaty of Versailles placed Western Ukraine under the occupation of Poland without the indigenous Ukrainian population having been consulted. Poland soon abandoned its obligations toward the Ukrainian majority and embarked on a program of assimilation, pacification and incarceration [Ukr. pdf] of patriotic Ukrainians in the Bereza Kartuzka concentration camp [Ukr. review]. During the 1930s, this region was in a state of civil war between the Polish colonizers and indigenous Ukrainians motivated into armed resistance by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN).

When World War II broke out shortly after the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact on 23 August 1939, Germany (under the Nazi banner) occupied Poland and the Soviet Union (under the Bolshevik banner) seized Western Ukraine. The immediate result of the Red Army occupation was internment of the surrendering Polish Army units with liquidation of some 20,000 officers and intelligentsia in the Katyn Forest Massacre and banishment of hundreds of thousands (if not millions) rank and file to Siberia. [Much later, Stalin allowed many of these soldiers to be evacuated via Iran to fight with General Anders Polish Army for the Western Allies.]

During the period of Soviet-German collaboration from September 1939 until Operation Barbarossa on 22 June 1941, the NKVD methodically arrested, incarcerated and sent to Siberia or murdered any Ukrainian intellectuals or patriots suspected of harbouring thoughts of an independent Ukraine. Immediately after the German attack on 22 June 1941, the NKVD massacred thousands of Ukrainians held in the prisons of Western Ukraine. On 30 June 1941 in Lviv, Stepan Bandera, newly-elected leader of OUN, declared Ukraine's independence in the face of Hitler's opposition. [Although there were many German intellectuals and officers in the Wehrmacht, who supported the idea of Ukraine's independence, no one suspected that Martin Bormann was a Russian agent constantly fomenting Hitler's Ukrainophobia.] Hitler's response was to arrest Stepan Bandera, premier-designate Yaroslav Stetsko and the OUN leadership and send them to the Sachsenhausen concentration camp for the rest of the war. Further arrests of suspected Ukrainian "nationalists" continued methodically.

The covert opposition of Ukrainians to German occupation policies blossomed into overt opposition with the "official" launch of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) on 14 October 1942 under the leadership of General Roman Shukhevych. For the rest of the German occupation the UPA and Germans were bitter enemies. The Chronicle of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army is archived on the infoukes.com website.

The second Soviet occupation of Western Ukraine started in the spring of 1944 as the Red Army relentlessly pushed the Germans back off Ukrainian soil. Stalin issued orders that Ukrainian males in the re-occupied territory be conscripted and used as human mine sweepers and cannon fodder against the retreating Germans. NKVD/SMERSH units spread their tentacles throughout the countryside searching for any hint of resistance to Soviet rule. Members of the Jewish Anti-fascist Committee, such as Ilya Ehrenberg and Vasily Grossman, accused Ukrainians of killing Jews and demanded that they be arrested and punished. The NKVD was only too happy to arrest, torture and send to Siberia or execute Ukrainians on any pretext.

The best description of the conditions of that era that I have read is the book  SPALAKH: UPA resistance in the Bereziv region by the late Michailo Tomaschuk, a book review of which is archived on my Telusplanet website and in which I have highlighted the life of Oleksandra (Tomych) Payevska: "The spirit of "Orysia" from Nyzhni Bereziv reflects the aspirations of hundreds of thousands of her compatriots, who fought for freedom from the Polish, German and Soviet occupations -- and for an independent Ukraine."

All the evidence indicates that Stalin's genocidal policies during the Holodomor and the Great Terror of the 1930s in Eastern Ukraine were repeated in Western Ukraine from 1939 to 1953.

I have written previously:
Contrary to the official policy of the United States towards the Soviet Union at that time, this unfortunate meeting [between Ryan/Rockler and Rekunkov/Rudenko in January 1980] facilitated the use of Soviet-supplied evidence in future OSI prosecutions and placed American justice at the mercy of KGB manipulation. That the OGPU/NKVD/KGB utilized torture to obtain false confessions from targeted individuals is a historical fact. From the time of Lenin through the Holodomor, the Great Terror, World War Two, the Ukrainian Partisan Army Insurgency and even the Dissident era from the 1960’s intimidation, threats and torture were utilized by the repressive organs of the Soviet Union. Even in the 1990’s, when naive Canadian judges traveled to Ukraine to interview eyewitnesses under the direction of and preparation by former-KGB personnel, several of these witnesses later recanted their testimony after recounting their “preparation” and expressed surprise and disgust that Canadian authorities would side with their tormentors.

The purpose of the material in this section is to convince the reader that the "Soviet attitude towards Ukrainian independence" was unremittingly hostile. And that the purpose of the KGB initiating the case of John Demjanjuk in 1974 was to besmirch the Ukrainian independence movement that continued to evolve in Ukraine and in the Diaspora. Since the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the creation of an independent Ukrainian state, the policy of the Russian Federation has been to delegitimize Ukraine's independence and to try to re-incorporate it within a re-formulated Russian Empire. The Kremlin's hysterical response to the award of "Hero status" to Stepan Bandera and OUN-UPA on 22 January 2010 confirms this assessment.

It is the height of irony that the descendants of the true collaborators in the initiation of WWII, in the rape and pillage of Ukraine and in their virulent opposition to Ukraine's independence are once again collaborating via the persecution of John Demjanjuk to sully and delegitimize the independence of Ukraine.

E. Discussion of Trawniki material in sections A to C above

It is now perfectly obvious that during the Soviet era the KGB played the United States judiciary for fools as they dangled the Demjanjuk bait in front of salivating predators in 1975. Near the end of the 1987-1988 Jerusalem trial, the KGB added three more Trawniki ID cards into the pot. Since the demise of the Soviet Union, the heirs of the KGB have now released a total of almost 50 Trawniki ID cards to the OSI for the 2001 denaturalization and the 2009 Munich trials. Why were these not made available immediately in 1975? Who knows how many more of such cards exist in the archives of various countries, various organizations, the Jewish underground and even individuals?

A proper analysis of the Trawniki ID cards would require a complete knowledge of the process by which the cards were designed, printed, transported and later issued. The step-by-step process of "issuing" this card to an alleged guard and its updating must be thoroughly understood. Thus a detailed knowledge of the Trawniki training camp, its operation and personnel is necessary.

Next, exactly when and how the MGB/NKVD got hold of these cards must be explained. What actions were initiated upon receipt of these cards? This can only be done by the present-day FSB personnel and archivists. Since the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991, these cards appear to have been distributed to the archives of the constituent republics. Again, an explanation is required.

Finally, what were the KGB actions following the initiation of the Demjanjuk conspiracy in 1974?

In the rest of this section, we will concentrate on the four main cards from the Jerusalem trial for which high-resolution colour images exist and use the pdf files in trawniki1393.html  and TrawnikiPDF.xls for comparison purposes only. We intend to apply the W5 formula (what, when, where, who, why), plus "how", to examine various aspects of these cards.

(1) Dienstausweis forms:
We concur with the conclusions of Winterberg and April1988 (in sections A and B above) that an official German Dienstausweis issued during WWII would have a "DIN" or "Formblatt" number, the name of the "Druckerei" where it was printed and the date of issue. [Even OSI-translator Hindrichs records on every one of his translations that there is "no date" of issue.] Secondly, the atrocious German language used in these forms indicates that these forms were not formulated by a German. These conclusions are supported by examples of presumably valid German documents in the 2537-Solanchukow and 1333-Tkatschuk pdf files.
It is, indeed, likely that these forms were printed in 1942-43 (although a later date up to 1947 cannot be excluded). But they were not conceived and formulated by German administrative officials and they were certainly not approved by Heinrich Himmler (or Joseph Kaltenbrunner) in whose name this Dienstausweis was (or should have been) issued. And they were obviously not printed by an officially approved printing shop (Druckerei).

The most likely scenario is that this Dienstausweis was the work of a clandestine element that had infiltrated the Trawniki administration and which was connected to the Jewish, Russian or British underground. In this context, it is interesting to speculate on the rivalry and hatred between Reinhard Heydrich (who vehemently denied a Jewish background, despite evidence to the contrary) and the head of German military intelligence Admiral Canaris (who was presumably born as Moses Meyerbeer). Was it just a coincidence that, in the spring of 1942, British intelligence engineered the assassination of Reinhard Heydrich in Czechoslovakia?

(2) Demjanjuk and Bondarenko signatures:
As indicated in section C(3), only 9 of the 50 cards have all three required signatures, without which the cards cannot possibly be valid. Two of these are the Demjanjuk and Bondarenko cards. Most people, who have examined the Demjanjuk signature, have concluded that this signature in green iron-free ink was not written by John Demjanjuk. In particular, Dr. Julius Grant, who testified for the Demjanjuk defence at the Jerusalem trial, categorically stated that the signature was forged. The latest argumentation by Dr. Lubomyr Prytulak titled "Forged and Obliterated" is very convincing that the signature is, indeed, forged.

We would like to bring the reader's attention to the Bondarenko [internal] signature, which is by far the clearest and darkest writing on the 4 cards (and in all the pdf files we have observed). The dark black ink contrasts sharply with the very faint blue-green signature of Teufel, which on the corresponding pdf file is not visible. (We note that the white rectangular sticker on the lower left side of the colour image, is absent in the pdf image. One wonders how and when the OSI obtained this pdf image with a dark vertical streak through the handwriting of Bazilevskaya on the outside of the card?)

The striking thing about the signature is that it does not appear to have been made by a barely literate 20 year old boy from a little Ukrainian village, but by a professional who signs his name many times each day. The cyrillic B resembles the latin B and the last six letters "arenko" trail off into a squiggle. I would suggest that this signature was created shortly before it was delivered to the Jerusalem court by Armand Hammer in 1988.

number-name:                 847-Juchnowskij    1211-Wolembachow    1393-Demjanjuk    1926-Bondarenko
Richtig empfangen:               no                             no                                yes                         yes
Ausgegeben:                         Matschke                  Teufel                          Teufel                      Teufel
Hauptsturmführer:                Höfle                         Höfle                           Streibel                   Streibel
Initial Posting:                       1942.06.16               not posted                   1942.09.22             1942.11.03

(3) Fading of Bazilevskaya handwriting behind photographs of Demjanjuk and Wolembachow:
If you view the back (or outside) of the images of Demjanjuk [internal] and Wolembachow [internal] from the 2009 Munich trial, you will notice that there are large reddish discolorations in the upper-right corner directly behind the photographs glued to the other side of the cards. You will also note that the writing of Bazilevskaya has faded where the glue has soaked through the card. This does not seem to be the case with the Juchnowskij [internal] card. The black/white Bondarenko card from the 1987-88 Jerusalem trial also shows no sign of such fading. (There is no picture on the other side [internal], but discoloration and a handwritten 3 leave the impression that the photo had fallen off a long time ago)

These observations are confirmed (though perhaps to a lesser degree) in the b/w photostats in my possession of these cards from the Jerusalem trial.

In his XoXoL website (section 5), Dr. Lubomyr Prytulak analyses this issue in great detail. He attributes the discoloration and fading to the use of solvents. Furthermore, the document examiner for the prosecution in the Jerusalem trial, Gideon Epstein testified that, during the 1981 denaturalization trial, the Demjanjuk photo was only loosely attached such that he could shift it by hand. Thus, it is obvious that both the Demjanjuk and Wolembachow photos were reglued by the KGB shortly before they made their appearance at the Jerusalem trial.

B/W photos of the Trawniki ID card from the 1981 trial may be found in the book of Allan Ryan, Quiet Neighbors (Appendix following page 344) and and an identical one in the book of Tom Teicholz, The Trial of Ivan the Terrible (between pages 178-179). These show little, if any, fading in the Bazilevskaya handwriting.

The question remains: Was the Demjanjuk photo attached in 1974 or prior to 1948? Once again, Dr. Prytulak draws our attention to the photos in the pdf files of 1653-Agejews (where the photo overlaps both the Bazilevskaya handwriting and the typing on the form; see section 7) and 1185-Kartaschew (where "No photo" is written in the rectangle reserved for the photograph and Bazilevskaya's handwriting also overlaps into this space; see section 3).

The evidence clearly suggests that the photograph was attached after Bazilevskaya affixed her translation (in 1948 or 1974) on the card.

(4) Juchnowskij reversed photo:
Please take a look at the inside of the 847-Juchnowskij [internal] card and enlarge  it. (On my computer running Windows XP, one can toggle between full page and expanded mode by clicking on the image.) You will note that his uniform closes from right-to-left (as in women's clothes), rather than from the normal left-to-right as seen in  the uniforms of Demjanjuk [internal] and Wolembachow [internal]. As has been pointed out by other people, this indicates that the negative was reversed when the print was exposed.

Note, however, that the number 47 (rather than 847) in the white rectangular-like paper pasted on his chest is not reversed. Unless there is clear evidence that right-to-left buttoning uniforms existed in the German army, this is another indication of forgery. However, it is not clear how and when this forgery was accomplished and by whom. Did the forger have copies of the negatives or just of the prints? Was this done by the Jewish underground before 1947 or by the KGB before the Jerusalem trial in 1987? Were the numbers added electronically onto the image before being exposed onto the print paper? Or was a photograph of a photograph technique involved? As for why only 47 rather than 847 is shown, perhaps the picture is not that of Mr. Juchnowskij. Or perhaps the KGB decided to play a joke on the OSI!

We also note that:
- the photo does not appear to be perfectly rectangular.
- the image on the photo is also not perfectly rectangular, giving the impression that the negative on the top, bottom and left sides was cut with a razor-blade-like instrument before being exposed onto the print. Or, alternatively, an actual print was cut to size before being photographed to produce the final print. Similar observations can be made of the Demjanjuk and Wolembachow photographs.
- there are 5 vertical black lines over the right shoulder of Juchnowskij suggesting that in the original picture he was posing in front of a wall-hanging "kylym".
- there are about 13 horizontal white scratches above, below and across the face of Juchnowskij. A possible explanation is that someone ran the card through a dirty fax machine. Who, when, where and why?
-  all 4 cards have a circular SS stamp overlapping the lower-left-corner of the photo. The Juchnowskij photo has an extra stamp in this area which does not extend to the rest of the card, once again suggesting that it was removed from another document.
- in the upper-right-hand corner, a rectangular piece of the photograph has been cut out -- presumably for analysis. Who, when, where, why and how?
- the uniforms of Juchnowskij, Demjanjuk and Wolembachow are all different.

(5)  Identity numbers on photos:
In addition to the 3 photos available from the 4 cards from the Jerusalem trial, there are identity numbers on the chests of the person depicted on most of the photos in the pdf files.Once again, Lubomyr Prytulak has very conveniently displayed all 48 of the photograph-areas in section 4 of his monograph on the Demjanjuk photograph. The four high-resolution colour images from the Munich trial are displayed at the top and the rest are displayed in numerical order below.

The four colour images are of sufficient quality to allow for reasonable visual analysis, which the reader is invited to perform (and perhaps report his/her findings).  The 42 b/w images from the pdf files are of too poor quality to do any reasonable visual analysis. (Efforts must be made to obtain high-resolution colour images of these cards as well.) Nevertheless, we note that the numbers in the white rectangles on the chests of the persons on the card are usually quite clear (especially on the version S cards).

Presumably these numbers, some 3 cm high, are supposed to be stamped in bright black ink onto a ribbon of white paper some 5 cm wide. The ribbon would be cut to some 12 cm in length and then affixed in some manner to the chest of the person before a photograph was taken. (In passing, we note that the ribbon on Demjanjuk's chest seems slightly narrower and its edges are less well focussed than in the Juchnowskij and Wolembachow photos.)

One question arises. Why are the numbers from the 47 in the Juchnowskij photo, through the 1211 in the Wolembachow photo, to the virtually invisible 1393 in the Demjanjuk photo progressively fainter? After all, any German verifying the identity of the bearer of the card must convince himself that the person in the photograph corresponds to the number on the outside of the card. Perhaps the answer is that the KGB forgers did not want analysts to be able to compare the stamped numbers to other existing cards.

F. Extra markings on the 4 Trawniki ID cards

In addition to the seals, stamps, typed and handwritten entries, etc. discussed above, there are a number of unexplained coloured markings on the 4 ID cards made by unknown people at unknown times. In this section, we would like to identify and examine them to see if they shed any information on the chain of custody of these cards. (Examination of similar markings on the 48 b/w pdf files would be much more difficults and is not feasible at this time.)

As a visual aid for the reader to locate and see these "extra markings on the real images, we simulate the appearance of these cards in tabular form. These markings are usually indicated in the top 1 to 3 lines of the table or are imbedded inside the table as appropriate. We list and comment on these markings at the bottom of each table.

      Page 4                               847-Juchnowskij-outside           Page 1  [internal]
Raum für Anmerkungen der Dienststelle:

Der Beauftragte des Reichsführers-SS 
für die Errichtung der SS- und Polizeistützpunkte
im neuen Ostraum

Dienstausweis Nr.______

Der ________________________________
(Name des Inhabers)

 ist in den Wachmannschaften des Beauftragten des
RF-SS für die Errichtung der SS-und Polizeistützpunkte
im neuen Ostraum als Wachmann tätig.

i. A.
[Stamp over
3 cm circle]

There are no extra markings observed on the outside of the Juchnowskij card, except for the criminally irresponsible rectangular label attached near the bottom of page 4 -- presumably dated 11.8.87.

      Page 2                        847-Juchnowskij-inside             Page 3  [internal]

4 x 5.4 cm
                          Grösse: ________________
                          Gesichtsform: ____________
                          Haarfarbe: ______________
                          Augenfarbe: _____________
                          Besondere Merkmale:
Familienname: ________________________
Vor=und Vatersname: __________________
geboren am: __________________________
geboren in:   __________________________
Nationalität: __________________________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
248                                                                2
___Empfangene Ausrüstungsgegenstände:___
Mütze:    .  .  .  .  ____       Koppel:       .  .  ____
Mantel:   .  .  .  .  ____       Seitengewehrtasche: _
Bluse:     .  .  .  .  ____        Handschuhe:  .  ____
Hose:     .  .  .  .  ____        Unterhemd:    .  ____
Stiefel:    .  .  .  .  ____        Unterhosen:   .  ____
Schnürschuhe:  .  ____        Wollweste:    .  ____
Socken:  .  .  .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Fusslappen:   .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Essgeschirr:   .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Brotbeutel:    .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Trinkbecher:  .  .  ____       ___________ ____
Feldflasche:   .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Gewehr Nr.:___________________________
Seitengewehr Nr.:_______________________

    Ausgegeben:                Richtig empfangen:
________________          ________________

There are 4 "extra" markings on the inside of the Juchnowski card, which we have illustrated in the top 2 lines in the table above:

I - large red crayon  (above photo)
248 - silver-grey pencil  (top-centre)
2 - purple Bazilevskaya-like ink (top-right)
41 - large black crayon (top-right)

      Page 4                         1211-Wolembachow-outside           Page 1  [internal]
Raum für Anmerkungen der Dienststelle:

           Lublin    23.9.43 - 17.11.43

[2 x 5 cm tape]

До Цай
не значется
29/Х 47 В...

Der Beauftragte des Reichsführers-SS 
für die Errichtung der SS- und Polizeistützpunkte
im neuen Ostraum

Dienstausweis Nr.______

Der ________________________________
(Name des Inhabers)

 ist in den Wachmannschaften des Beauftragten des
RF-SS für die Errichtung der SS-und Polizeistützpunkte
im neuen Ostraum als Wachmann tätig.

i. A.
[Stamp over
3 cm circle]

- We note that in the real image the two rectangular purple stamps are at an angle and the one on the right (page 1) is actually inverted.
- The Reserve-Lazarett Lublin stamp indicates that Mr. Wolembachow spent time in a "reserve" hospital.
- We note that the Bazelevskaya handwriting just overlaps the 2 x 5 cm tape used to repair a torn part of the card where it was double-folded.
- The red pencil writing in Cyrillic characters at the bottom left is translated by OSI personnel as
"To the Central Archive Office(?)
not mentioned
29 Oct 1947 initials"

      Page 2                   1211-Wolembachow-inside            Page 3  [internal]
          #              --V                  Волемдахов

4 x 5.4 cm
                          Grösse: ________________
                          Gesichtsform: ____________
                          Haarfarbe: ______________
                          Augenfarbe: _____________
                          Besondere Merkmale:
Familienname: ________________________
Vor=und Vatersname: __________________
geboren am: __________________________
geboren in:   ___Ивановка / Воронин____
Nationalität: __________________________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
  V    Іван  Фролович                                2/
                                                             14519 5
___Empfangene Ausrüstungsgegenstände:___
Mütze:    .  .  .  .  ____       Koppel:       .  .  ____
Mantel:   .  .  .  .  ____       Seitengewehrtasche: _
Bluse:     .  .  .  .  ____        Handschuhe:  .  ____
Hose:     .  .  .  .  ____        Unterhemd:    .  ____
Stiefel:    .  .  .  .  ____        Unterhosen:   .  ____
Schnürschuhe:  .  ____        Wollweste:    .  ____
Socken:  .  .  .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Fusslappen:   .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Essgeschirr:   .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Brotbeutel:    .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Trinkbecher:  .  .  ____       ___________ ____
Feldflasche:   .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Wolldecken:___________________ 1%A42*4
Gewehr Nr.:___________________   _" 14___
Seitengewehr Nr.:_______________   9/ХІІ 47

    Ausgegeben:                Richtig empfangen:
________________          ________________

In the three lines at the top of the "Wolembackow-inside" table, we have identified nine different markings:
- #    - Brownish dried glue above photo.
- --V - Red pencil pointing to top of stamped seal.
- Волемдахов  Іван  Фролович - Bluish-black handwritten-in-Russian and misspelled Wolemdachow Iwan Frolowych. The erroneous "d" is crossed out with several strokes of a dark blue ink and corrected to the appropriate "b". It may be highly relevant that the colour of this ink appears to match the colour of the type "B" seal (circular stamp) overlapping the Wolembachow photo.
- V   - Brown pencil/crayon check mark between Wolembachow and Iwan.
- 2/   - Red crayon mark at top right corner.
- 14519 5 - A bluish-green pencil/crayon number followed by a blackish pencil/crayon numeral 5 (or perhaps 3). The top of the bluish-green 9 overlaps the red crayon 2/.
- 152 - A faint silver-grey numeral at extreme right edge of card.
_" 14___
9/ХІІ 47  - This strange red pencil series of numbers appears to be terminated with date 9 Dec 1947. The colour, texture and writing appears to correspond to a similar entry on the other side of the card.  

- Ивановка / Воронин - The dark purplish translation of Iwanowka/Woronin is a darker colour and different handwriting than that used by Bazilevskaya. That Bazilevskaya did not translate the name on page 2 of the card indicates that the translation at the top of the card preceded that of Bazilevskaya's translation of the rest of the card. It is interesting and unusual that Bazilevskaya translated virtually every word on the right-hand-side (page 3) of the card.

      Page 4                      1926-Bondarenko-outside                 Page 1  [internal]
Raum für Anmerkungen der Dienststelle:

Zuständiger Truppenteil:
   .   Arbeitslager Treblinka   .

Der Beauftragte des Reichsführers-SS 
für die Errichtung der SS- und Polizeistützpunkte
im neuen Ostraum

Dienstausweis Nr.______

Der ________________________________
(Name des Inhabers)

 ist in den Wachmannschaften des Beauftragten des
RF-SS für die Errichtung der SS-und Polizeistützpunkte
im neuen Ostraum als Wachmann tätig.

i. A.
[Stamp over
3 cm circle]

We only have a b/w image of the outside of the Bondarenko card. Nevertheless, we chose purple colours for the three rectangular stamp entries. The term " Zuständiger Truppenteil:" is entered by typewriter. We detected no "extra" markings on this b/w image.

      Page 2                    1926-Bondarenko-inside               Page 3  [internal]
   3                                                            375
4 x 5.4 cm
                          Grösse: ________________
                          Gesichtsform: ____________
                          Haarfarbe: ______________
                          Augenfarbe: _____________
                          Besondere Merkmale:
Familienname: ________________________
Vor=und Vatersname: __________________
geboren am: __________________________
geboren in:   __________________________
Nationalität: __________________________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
___Empfangene Ausrüstungsgegenstände:___
Mütze:    .  .  .  .  ____       Koppel:       .  .  ____
Mantel:   .  .  .  .  ____       Seitengewehrtasche: _
Bluse:     .  .  .  .  ____        Handschuhe:  .  ____
Hose:     .  .  .  .  ____        Unterhemd:    .  ____
Stiefel:    .  .  .  .  ____        Unterhosen:   .  ____
Schnürschuhe:  .  ____        Wollweste:    .  ____
Socken:  .  .  .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Fusslappen:   .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Essgeschirr:   .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Brotbeutel:    .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Trinkbecher:  .  .  ____       ___________ ____
Feldflasche:   .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Gewehr Nr.:___________________________
Seitengewehr Nr.:_______________________

    Ausgegeben:                Richtig empfangen:
________________          ________________

In the top line of the "Bondarenko-inside" table, we have identified 3 "extra" markings:
- 3 - A brownish pencilled sideways 3 overlapping the rectangle, where the photo should be affixed.
375 - A silver-grey pencil numeral at the top-centre of the card.
- 216 - A purplish-black pencil/crayon numeral 216 (that looks like 2+6) at the top-right of the card.
- We ignore the annoying white label affixed at the bottom of page 2.
- We note that there is absolutely no Russian translation on the right-hand-side (page 3) of the card.
- We also note that the card appears to have been folded twice (as in the case of Wolembachow), but the second folding appears to have been asymmetrical.

      Page 4                           1393-Demjanjuk-outside               Page 1  [internal]
Raum für Anmerkungen der Dienststelle:

Der Beauftragte des Reichsführers-SS 
für die Errichtung der SS- und Polizeistützpunkte
im neuen Ostraum

Dienstausweis Nr.______

Der ________________________________
(Name des Inhabers)

 ist in den Wachmannschaften des Beauftragten des
RF-SS für die Errichtung der SS-und Polizeistützpunkte
im neuen Ostraum als Wachmann tätig.

i. A.
[Stamp over
3 cm circle]

Except for the two offending labels affixed near the bottom of page 4 (left-hand-side), we could not detect any "extra" markings.

Nevertheless, of particular interest to us are the large number of small indentations of 0.6 and 1.0 mm diameter, indicating where ink samples were taken by someone. It is not clear whether these samples were taken during the Jerusalem trial by the prosecution and defense or subsequent to that by unknown persons. We summarize the location of these samples below.

Page 4 (left side of image)
- "Rectangular stamp" - 6 of 0.6 mm dia. and 4 of 1.0 mm dia. samples, including 1 perforation in the "D" of "DIENSTSTELLE".
- "Bazilevskaya handwriting" - 3 of 0.6 mm dia. samples.
- "Blank area" - 1 of 0.6 mm dia perforation; 4 of 1.0 mm dia. indentations; 3 of 0.6 mm dia. indentations on white label.

Page 1 (right side of image)
- "Rectangular stamp" - 8 of 0.6 mm dia. and 7 of 1.0 mm dia. samples of stamp ink.
- "Dienstausweis Nr." - 4 of 1.0 mm dia. samples of of print ink.
- "1393" - 1 of 0.6 mm dia. sample of typewriter ribbon ink.
- "Demjanjuk, Iwan" - 6 of  0.6 mm dia. and 4 of 1.0 mm dia. samples of typewriter ribbon ink.
- "Circular stamp" - 6 of 0.6 mm dia. samples from circumference; 3 of 1.0 mm dia. samples from eagle and swastika in interior.
- "Streibel" - 5 of 0.6 mm dia. and 5 of 1.0 mm dia. samples of ink in Steibel's signature.

      Page 2                      1393-Demjanjuk-inside               Page 3  [internal]

4 x 5.4 cm
                          Grösse: ________________
                          Gesichtsform: ____________
                          Haarfarbe: ______________
                          Augenfarbe: _____________
                          Besondere Merkmale:
Familienname: ________________________
Vor=und Vatersname: __________________
geboren am: __________________________
geboren in:   __________________________
Nationalität: __________________________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
Abkommandiert am ______zu____________
  #                                                                   -- 4
___Empfangene Ausrüstungsgegenstände:___
Mütze:    .  .  .  .  ____       Koppel:       .  .  ____
Mantel:   .  .  .  .  ____       Seitengewehrtasche: _
Bluse:     .  .  .  .  ____        Handschuhe:  .  ____
Hose:     .  .  .  .  ____        Unterhemd:    .  ____
Stiefel:    .  .  .  .  ____        Unterhosen:   .  ____
Schnürschuhe:  .  ____        Wollweste:    .  ____
Socken:  .  .  .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Fusslappen:   .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Essgeschirr:   .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Brotbeutel:    .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Trinkbecher:  .  .  ____       ___________ ____
Feldflasche:   .  .  ____        ___________ ____
Gewehr Nr.:___________________________
Seitengewehr Nr.:_______________________

    Ausgegeben:                Richtig empfangen:
________________          ________________

In the top two lines of the "Demjanjuk-inside" table we have identified 5 "extra" markings:
N1 - Russian notation depicting "number 1" written directly on the photo in purplish ink (Bazilevskaya?). [Lubomyr Prytulak has noted a similar notation on 1653-Agejews.]
- # - A blue splotch of the colour used to write translations in blue pencil(?) of issued items listed below the splotch.
- -- 4 - A darker blue pencil/crayon line drawn through a 4 written in red crayon at the top-right.
- I - A vertical blue line in pencil/crayon at far right near the top.

In the table above, we have highlighted in blue the 8 items that someone (not Bazilevskaya) translated into Russian in faint blue pencil. Was this translation done before or after Bazilevskaya got to see the card? We note that Bazilevskaya translated all 22 of the items on the 1211-Wolembachow card, but none of these items on the 847-Juchnowskij and 1926-Bondarenko cards. [Amongst the pdf cards only 1185-Kartaschew with all 22 items and 749-Jarosch  with the first 5 items have any of these items translated at all.]

The number and location of the samples taken for analysis from the inside of the card is given below.

Page 2 (left side of image)

- White 1.9 mm dia. circle near bottom edge on right. (Already visible on Jerusalem photostat.)
- 0.8 x 9.8 mm rectangle removed from left edge near top.
- 1.5 x 1.8 mm rectangle removed from right edge near borrom corner.
- 0.6 mm dia. perforation of photographic paper at extreme right edge neat top.
- 3 of 0.6 mm dia. and 3 of 1.0 mm dia. samples of ink from "circumference of circular stamp" overlapping upper right corner of photo.

- 6 of 0.6 mm dia. and 5 of 1.0 mm dia. samples of ink from right "circumference of circular stamp" on the paper of the card.
- 3 of 0.6 mm dia. ink samples of "typewriter ribbon" on "oval", "Demjanjuk" and "/Saporosche".
- 1 of 0.6 mm dia. sample of "Bazilevskaya ink" from translation of Demjanjuk.
- 6 of 0.6 mm dia. samples of "ink writing" from "22.9.42  L. G. Okzow"
- 6 of 0.6 mm dia. samples of "ink writing" from "27.3.43  Sobibor"

Page 3 (right side of image)
- "Blank area perforations" - 1 of 0.6 mm dia. and 1 of 1.0 mm dia. from "DIENSTELLE" on opposite side.
- -- 4 - 5 of 0.6 mm dia. samples from blue line and 3 of 0.6 mm dia. samples from red 4.
- 9 of 0.6 mm dia. and 4 of 1.0 mm dia. ink samples from seven "1's" in issued list.
- 2 of 0.6 mm dia. ink samples from two corrected "2's" in issued list.
- 3 of 0.6 mm dia. samples of "typewriter ribbon ink" from "Badehose".
- 4 of 0.6 mm dia. ink samples from "Ruksak" writing.
- 6 of 0.6 mm dia.  and 4 of 1.0 mm dia. ink samples from "Teufel SS Rottff" signature.
- 6 of 0.6 mm dia. ink samples from "Demjanjuk" signature.

F5. Summary and Conclusion:

We have identified approximately 25 "extra" markings on the 4 Trawniki ID cards -- Juchnowskij (4), Wolembachow (14), Bondarenko (3) and Demjanjuk (4). The Wolembachow card with 14 such markings is especially intriguing. When and by whom were the translations of 8 issued items entered on the Demjanjuk card in faint blue pencil/crayon? Answering the W5 (who, when, where, what, why)  of these markings would go a long way in establishing the chain of custody and unravelling the real story of the history of these cards.

On the Demjanjuk card we noted a large number (143) of indentations (or perforations) of 0.6 mm (100) and 1.0 mm (43) diameter, which were obviously used to gather ink samples of the various handwritten entries, the rectangular and circular stamps, the typewriter ribbon ink, the print form ink and even the coloured blue and red pencil/crayon markings. Once again the W5 questions arise. Have the results of these tests been published? [As far as we can ascertain, no similar ink samples were taken from the other three cards.]

G. Dragan Analysis, 1990.02.06

The next major analysis that we examine was sent to me on 03Nov1994. It was titled "Documentation of the Forgery of John Demjanjuk's Trawniki ID Card" draft by M.J. Dragan, M.D. and dated 06Feb1990.

It consists of a 57-page letter (with 213 numbered pages of photocopied documents enclosed) to Dr. Wolfgang Scheffler, who testified for the prosecution against John Demjanjuk during the 1987-88 Jerusalem Trial for four days -- 06 to 09Apr1987, pages T003916 - T004557 of the English-language transcripts. His testimony is summarized at

Scheffler appears to have crafted a life-long career as an expert witness -- part-time since 1966 and full-time since 1971 -- in about 50 "Holocaust-related" trials [T003935].  Under cross-examination Scheffler admits that he never talked to people who might be familiar with Trawniki procedures and conditions. He has never interviewed people who were at Trawniki [T004330-31]. In my opinion, this is willful blindness  to ensure that his views are not contradicted by reality.
- He implies that the term Untermenschen was applied only to Bolshevists and Jews, and not Ukrainians, Poles and other Slavs [T004373].
- Scheffler dismisses evidence from defense lawyers, Gill [T004491] and Sheftel [T004493-95], that Streibel could not recall ever signing a document like the Trawniki ID card and that he could not confirm that such documents were issued at Trawniki.

Using OCR technology, we scanned Dragan's letter and created a "clickable" dragan19900206TrawnikiForgery.html file to facilitate easy access to any of the 31 chapters in his letter. The Table of Contents includes a "List of Documents and Exhibits" referring to the 213 pages of documents which were enclosed. Unfortunately, these photocopies are usually of poor quality -- often unreadable and often in German or Polish -- such that using OCR technology is not feasible on most of them. Although some of these documents are reproduced in our dragan19900206Documents.html file, most of the file is empty. Thus, serious researchers wishing to confirm Dragan's conclusions will need to contact Dr. Dragan or Dr. Scheffler directly or dig up the material themselves from archived sources.

G1.  Summary of Dragan findings:

Although the reader would best understand the argumentation of Myroslav Dragan by reading his 57-page letter to Wolfgang Scheffler, we highlight some of his conclusions here. Where appropriate, we also refer to relevant information released by the OSI for the 2001 Denaturalization Trial and the 2009 Munich Trial.

(1)  The type B circular stamp on the Demjanjuk and Wolembachow cards is invalid. (ch2, doc2, 4; ch3, doc5-24)
The reader should first familiarize himself/herself with the four types A, B, C, D of official seals (circular stamps) that appear on the Trawniki ID cards as identified by Lubomyr Prytulak on his XoXoL website. One can also view the German wording of these seals as reproduced in my trawnikiTypes.html file. (Keep in mind that, from the 4 Trawniki ID cards submitted to the 1987-88 Jerusalem Trial, Dragan was familiar with types A, B and C, but not type D.)

In chapters 2 and 3 of his letter, Dragan claims that the type B seal that appears on the outside of the Demjanjuk card and on both sides of the Wolembachow card is invalid -- there should be a hyphen directly after the SS ruhne: "Der SS- u. Polizeiführer". On pages 2 and 4 of his documents, Dragan shows two examples of this erroneous seal and letterhead in letters purportedly written by Odilo Globocnik dated 03Feb1941 and 04Mar1941. Presumably, the error was quickly noticed and a corrected seal and letterhead were issued. Document pages 5 to 24, dated from 05Aug1941 to 04Nov1943, illustrate the correct seal and letterhead.

The implication is that, although the erroneous seal should have been destroyed at the Arsenal at Spandau, it was stolen by clandestine elements and later used to stamp the Demjanjuk and Wolembachow cards.

(2)  The type C circular stamp on the Demjanjuk (and Bondarenko) card is invalid. (ch4, doc77; ch6, doc107)
The type C seal contains an imprint of "Waffen-SS" (the red colour implies SS ruhne) implying that the Trawniki camp was under the jurisdiction of the Waffen-SS Administration at the time Demjanjuk was allegedly posted to L. G. Okzow on 22Sep1942. However, Dragan claims that the Trawniki camp did not come under Waffen-SS jurisdiction until 13Aug1943 as presumably indicated by a letter reproduced on page 77 of his documents.

Furthermore, in Ch6 (doc107), Dragan provides examples of authentic Zweigestelle Trawniki seals from the Soldbuch (paybook) of Rudolf Reiss, who testified at the Jerusalem trial. (These correspond to Lubomyr Prytulak's type D.)

(3)  The type A circular stamp on the Juchnowski card is invalid. (ch5, doc84, 85)
In (ch5, doc84), Dragan claims that an authenticated Ordnungspolizei seal similar to type A appears on page 13 of Rudolf Reiss's SS paybook (Soldbuch). However, in this version the wingtip of the eagle points to the space between the words "die Errichtung"; whereas in the type A version the wingtip points to the letter "i" in "Errichtung". Furthermore, the SS letters in the inner circle writing of type A are replaced by the SS ruhne in the authenticated version.

(4)  Forged Juchnowskij ID photograph. (ch7, doc129)
We have previously noted in section E(4) above, that the female-type, right-over-left-buttoned uniform, but no reversal of the number 47, indicates forgery. However, Dragan makes the extra observation that Juchnowskij is looking slightly to the left rather than to the right as required and as demonstrated in the other 3 cards.

(5)  Obw. d. Schupo d. Res. as visible on Juchnowskij card is improper German. (ch8, doc205, 136-140, 144)
The slang term "Schupo" (equivalent to "cop") is not proper German and does not conform to Amtssprache regulations (doc205). Examples of proper abbreviations are given in documents 136-140 and 144.

(6)  Teufel rank. (ch9, doc99)
Teufel signed the 1393-Demjanjuk and 1926-Bondarenko cards with the rank of corporal; whereas he signed the earlier 1211-Wolembachow card with a rank of sergeant. Teufel was presumably promoted to sergeant on 19Jul2010 (doc99).

(7)  Irreconcilable historical asynchrony in dates.  (ch10)
- Himmler dismisses Globocnik on 31Mar 1942 and confirmed on 15May1942. (doc55, 158)
[Wolfgang Scheffler testified in the Jerusalem trial that Odilo Globocnik was replaced on 20Sep1943 by Paul Sporenburg [T003974].]
- The Demjanjuk, Bondarenko and Wolembachow cards were allegedly stamped  about one year before the Trawniki camp came under SS (WVHA) Administration (doc77).
- Globocnik was nominated as Commissioner for building Police Outposts in the Eastern Territories on 17Jul1941 and confirmed on 05Aug1941 (doc106, 123, 124) by which time the corrected seal was already in use (doc5).

(8)  Höfle has improper rank associated with his signature on the Wolembachow card. (ch11, 12, 13)
Hermann Höfle was presumably Globocnik's chief of staff based in Lublin. Himmler promoted Höfle from captain to major on 21Jul1942 (doc153). Yet, he signed and stamped the 1211-Wolembachow [internal] card (type B stamp) and the 847-Juchnowskij [internal] card (type A stamp) with a rank of SS-Hauptsturmführer (captain).

[Streibel was presumably based in Trawniki. He signed and presumably stamped the 1393-Demjanjuk [internal] card (type B stamp beside his name and two type C stamps on the photograph) and the 1926-Bondarenko [internal] card (type C stamp) also with the rank of captain. The question arises: At what location were these 4 Trawniki cards stamped?]

[In chapter 13, Dragan goes through much convoluted reasoning to suggest that the only possible date that the Wolembachow card could have been signed was 20Jul1942 and then suggests that even this date is unlikely. (Keep in mind that there is no date or location of posting on the Wolembachow card.)]

(9)  Proof that Trawniki cards were not prestamped. (ch14)
Dragan claims that his argumentation in the the previous chapters proves that it was impossible that the cards were pre-stamped as claimed by the prosecution in the Jerusalem trial. He also dismisses the prosecution's contention that the cards were pre-numbered and pre-signed.

(10) Alterations and erasures as on Demjanjuk card were considered to be forgeries by Germans. (ch15)

(11)  The 4 Trawniki cards are laced with fictitious geographical names. (ch16, doc191-197; ch17)
Dragan could not locate the place names listed in the 4 Trawniki cards and speculates why the (Soviet) forgers used fictitious place names.
[W.Z.  Now in 2010, there are some 50 cards with place names and persons' names which could/should be verified.]

(12)  Dieter Lehner: "Thou Shall Not Bear False Witness" (ch18)
Dragan enclosed this highly-acclaimed German-language book with his letter to Wolfgang Scheffler. Lehner "details the lack of direct administrative jurisdiction of SSPF over the German Police, and describes independent chains of command and different duties within the SS and the German Police." He also "convincingly explains that the Trawniki ID cards were printed by an offset method", which was expensive and unusual during WWII.

[It is amusing that Larry Stewart testifying at the 2001 denaturalization trial and the 2009 Munich trial -- undoubtedly aware of Lehner's book -- now blandly agrees that the forms were printed by an offset method. Hopefully, the Demjanjuk defense is fully aware of the contents of this book. We wonder if the S forms were also printed by an offset method?]

Dragan details the strict control and meticulousness of the Germans in producing ID cards. He dismisses the Jerusalem prosecutors' supposition of sloppy printers in Lublin -- pointing out that "Lublin was known as a center of Jewish culture with excellent printers prior to the war (doc159). During the war, some of them, by their own admission, were employed in Globocnik’s office."

(13)  The unusual curved letter "t" in the 4 Trawniki forms. (ch19, doc165, 166, 167)
As we have outlined in our documentation above, the L1 and L2 forms contain this curved "t"; whereas the S and "Ben" forms do not.
Dragan speculates that the Soviet Army abscombed with such a press as war booty and transported it to the USSR.

(14)  Five Versions of the Alleged Demjanjuk ID Card  (ch20, doc96-98, 135, 35-37, 38)
- Version #1 -- September 1977 issue of "News from Ukraine" (First 3 pages, no Russian handwriting.)
- Version #2 -- February 1981 Denaturalization Trial (Page 4 still missing, but Russian handwriting visible on page 1.)
- Version #3 -- January 1984 American extradition court (Page 4 stamp visible, but no Russian handwriting.)
                    -- (FEST ZU NEHMEN should be FESTZUNEHMEN (doc135))
- Version #4 -- April 30, 1986 issue of Molod' Ukrainy, "The Ghoul Lived in Cleveland" (doc35-37)
                    -- (Russian handwriting (but not Bazilevskaya's signature) plus another man's photo appear on page 4.)
                    -- (FOIA request to OSI reveals source of extra photo as Vinnitsya District Office of the Soviet KGB in Ukraine. (doc38)
- Version #5 -- 1987 Jerusalem Trial (Delivered from the Soviet Union (presumably) to Israel via Armand Hammer.)

[We should add Version #6 -- Nov. 30, 2009 Munich Trial (High-resolution colour images archived at XoXoL)]

(15)  SS paybooks, but not ID cards, were issued to Trawniki guards (ch21, doc142-147, 137, 141, 160; ch22, doc173-175, 58, 80-81)
Based on personnel lists from the Trawniki Training Camp and the Treblinka Labor Camp submitted as exhibits to the Jerusalem court, Dragan argues that an "Erk.Nr." (Der Erkennung Nummer) or "military dog tag with an ID number", but not a "Dienstausweis Nr.", was issued to the guards trained at Trawniki. Presumably, each guard was issued a paybook (Soldbuch), which was retained in the base administration office (doc160).

In chapter 22, Dragan concedes that ID documents may have been issued to trusted Trawniki trainees sent on missions to small and remote villages. He concludes that "Dienstausweisse for Trawniki guards were apparently rare and were issued only to those who were posted in tiny Police Outposts, while those who were posted in platoon or company units carried dog tags only".

[W.Z. The above observations are important. The denaturalization and deportation process in Canada has targeted several Ukrainians, including Vasyl Odynsky, who were processed at the Trawniki Training Camp. None of them had ever been issued or seen a Dienstausweis such as attributed to Demjanjuk. Similarly, none of the victims targeted by the OSI in the United States, including Fedor Fedorenko, had ever seen such a card. Several German personnel,  familiar with Trawniki, have testified that they had never seen such ID cards.]

(16)  Statistical analysis points to Soviet forgery (ch23, doc143)

(17)  Failure to determine source of Trawniki ID cards (ch24, doc177-178, 35-37)
- German custom of dating ID documents and stipulating their expiration date survives to the present day.
- The Trawniki ID cards were not utilized in Soviet Trawniki personnel trials in the 1960s (e.g. Danilchenko and Engelhardt cases).

(18)  Past Soviet Forgeries (ch24a, doc176-178)
- Forged documents of B. Stashynskyj -- assassin of Stepan Bandera in Munich, 15Oct1959.
- Manipulations of photographs of Soviet leadership, etc.

(19)  Need for further historical research (ch25)

(20)  Other deficiencies of Trawniki Cards (ch26)
- unhyphenated Globocnik seal (doc40-41) with explanatory article by J. Ramsay (doc42-55)
- "Merkmale" should be "Kennzeichen" or "Zeichen". (doc34, 100-101, 131-133, 136, 144)
- "Essgeschirr" should be "Kochgeschirr"
- "Unterhosen" should be "Unterhose" (doc188-189)
- Rank of commanding officer is never preprinted; it should be stamped (doc134)
- No date of issue and expiration (doc26-30, 34, 87, 132, 136, 141, 176-178, 210)
- "fest zu nehmen" should be "festzunehmen"

(21)  Why "crude" forgery and "additional" cards? (ch27, 28)
Dragan continues with his basic thesis of KGB forgery. In January 1990, no one was yet aware that many other similar Trawniki cards would turn up in the archives of the independent states of the former Soviet Union -- Russian Federation, Ukraine, Latvia, etc.

(22) The Inept Defense of Demjanjuk (ch29, doc203, 103-105, 209)
- "Ivan the Terrible's Terrible Defense" in The American Lawyer, October 1988
-  Identifying Ivan, a Case Study in Legal Psychology" by Willem Wagenaar (doc203)
- Gita Sereny articles (doc103-105)
- Forensic experts failed to determine printing technique -- letterpress versus offset -- used to print the Trawniki ID forms (doc209)

(23)  Other Unanswered Questions About the Treblinka Death Camp (ch30)
- Diesel exhaust fumes are not lethal. (doc62-65)
- "group fantasies of martyrdom and heroics". (doc66-70)
- Jewish historians (R. Hilberg, Hannah Arendt and others) were not asked by the Defense to testify. (doc150-151)
- S. Krakowski quote that over half of testimonies in Yad Vashem are unreliable. (doc206)
- Expert linguists were not consulted about the improper German used in the Trawniki ID cards.
- Testimony on aerial photos of Treblinka not presented (doc113-114)
- Source of fuel to burn one million cadavers. (doc115-119)
- Soviet pilots flying over Treblinka never reported smoke and flames. (doc113-114, 213)
- Archeological examinations do not support the "Treblinka" story. (doc71-73, 207-208)

(24)  Tragic Injustice at Majdanek (ch31)
- Innocent Paul Hoffmann was hanged at Majdanek on 23Dec1945 (doc74-75)
- Erich Muhsfeldt was hanged two years later on 30Dec1947 for the same alleged crime.

Since there is no amicus curiae provision in Isaeli jurisprudence (according to a letter from Haim H. Cohn, doc78), Myroslav Dragan asks Wolfgang Scheffler to amend his testimony to save the life of John Demjanjuk.

G2. W.Z. Discussion

The first 3 points in my summary of Dragan findings in section G1 above emphasize that the type B, C and A official seals (circular stamps) that appear on the four Trawniki ID cards supplied to the 1987-88 Jerusalem Trial are invalid.

Dragan's argumentation concerning the invalidity of the type B stamp that appears on the Demjanjuk and Wolembachow cards is based on so-called "authenticated" documents in his 213-page submission enclosed with his 57-page letter to Wolfgang Scheffler. We will examine these documents in section G4 below.

However, alternate versions of the type C (Demjanjuk, Bondarenko) and the type A (Juchnowskij) official seals appear in the Soldbuch (paybook) of Rudolf Reiss, which appeared in the Demjanjuk Jerusalem Trial as tav/125. Presumably, the Jerusalem court accepted this document as "authentic", which confirms that the types C and A official seals are not authentic. Thus, if the Munich court accepts the authenticity of the Soldbuch of Rudolf Reiss, they must reject the authenticity of the type C official seal on the 1393-Demjanjuk ID card and the type A official seals on the 847-Juchnowskij ID card.

There are several references to Rudolf Reiss in my summary of the English-language transcripts of the Jerusalem Trial archived at
where one finds links to 13 individual html files. (Simply go to these files, press Ctrl+F , type in Reiss in the window and scan through the document.)
T004016 - soldbuch of Rudolf Lietz [Reiss] submitted to U.S. court by O'Connor.
T004024 - 1984-01-16 protocol of Rudolf Reiss before Judge Dreeley.
T004030 - tav/125 = Soldbuch and 14 page deposition of Rudolf Reiss originally shown to U.S. Judge Dreeley 1984-01-16.
T004172 - tav/139 = pay card of Rudolf Reiss, indicating that he was promoted on July 19, 1942 to SS Unterscharfuhrer.
T004182 - tav/141 [tav/101 is presumably error] = Personal questionnaire of Rudolf Reiss - shows discrepancy in height.
T004333 - Scheffler doesn't know which branch (administrative or operations) Rudolf Reiss belonged to.
T006526 - Defense application for rogatory for Rudolph Reiss in Germany granted.
T006642 - Shaked: Amenavizious claimed to have carried a "Dienstausweis", but doesn't remember if it was like tav/149.
- Rudolf Reiss claimed that hiwis and wachmen did not have documents, but wore discs around their necks.
T010725 - Levin: "Between the 1st of December and the 13th of December, rogatories will be conducted of witness Reiss, from the Federal Republic of Germany."
- Hearings shall recommence on Dec. 14, 1987
- 4 or more expert witnesses are scheduled to testify.
- Expert opinions are to be in hands of prosecution by Dec. 2, 1987.
- Summings up by prosecution are to begin on Jan. 18, 1988; the defense immediately thereafter.

[It is interesting that the type D official seal (similar to type C on the Demjanjuk card) that appears in the Soldbuch of Rudolf Reis appears in 16 of the 48 ID cards archived at trawniki1393.html starting with 3183-Masiuk and ending with 4188-Chwalink. Indeed, type D was the only official seal used in this number sequence. (The last and anomalous 4417-"Ben" card has no official seal.) It is also interesting that only 6 of these 16 have any postings -- 2 to Lublin (3213-Turjanski, 3555-Melnitschuk) and 4 to Budzyn (3427-Popeliuk, 3596-Kuryliw, 3683-Moros, 3684- Tschornopyskij). And every last one of these postings is dated 1943.06.24.]

We will refrain from making comments on the rest of the points in section G1, except for point (9):
(9)  Proof that Trawniki cards were not prestamped. (ch14)
The contention by the Israeli prosecution in the Jerusalem trial that the German administration would have pre-stamped, pre-numbered and pre-signed the 4 Trawniki ID cards is patently ridiculous. That defeats the whole purpose of issuing ID cards. However, this does not preclude a clandestine organization or individuals hostile to the Germans from doing exactly that.

G3.  Typewriters used in Germany during WWII

In addition to the 26 English-language letters, a German typewriter from this era would have the capability of typing the umlaut vowels (ü, ö, ä), the SS ruhne and the sharp ß (called sharp "s" and visually similar to the Greek letter "beta"). On an English-language typewriter, one would write the umlaut vowels as (ue, oe, ae); the SS ruhne as two capital letters SS; and the sharp ß as two small ss.

We were, therefore, astounded that only 13 of the documents in Dragan's 213-page collection exhibited this characteristic. Although most of the typewriters used contained the umlaut vowels, many could not produce the SS ruhne or the sharp ß. We have categorized such typewriters as:
German (umlaut, SS ruhne, ß)
Hybrid3 (umlaut, ß; not SS)
Hybrid2 (umlaut, SS; not ß)
Hybrid1 (umlaut; not SS, ß)
English (none of above)

The documents fitting these categories are summarized in subsection (a) below. A similar categorization for the 48 Trawniki ID cards archived as pdf files in trawniki1393.html is made in subsection (b).

(a) Typewriters in Dragan 213-page collection

German: (documents contain umlauts, SS ruhne, ß)
doc 1 -- 1940.05.26, Lublin, Globocnik (no signature) to Krakau superiors. Everything typed. Source: unknown
doc 11 -- no date, Globocnik (initialed signature) to Krakau superiors. Everything typed, corrected type B seal. Berlin Document Center
doc 14 -- after 1942.04.20, Globocnik (scribbled signature) to unknown. Everything typed, corrected type B seal. Source: unknown
doc 19 -- 1943.04.13 (handwritten date), unknown in Lublin to Berlin. Letterhead with "SS-und" + typing. Source: unknown
doc 20-21 -- 1943.05.15, Ernennungsvorschlag of Karl Streibel -- filled in form. No signature. (Blanked out?) Source: unknown
doc 59-60 -- same as doc 20-21, but with Globocnik scribbled signature above ".... ...leutnant der Polizei"(cut off at bottom)
doc 22 -- 1943?.05.22, unknown in Lublin to Berlin. Letterhead with "SS-und" + typing. Source: unknown
doc 24 -- 1943.11.04, unknown in Triest to Himmler in Berlin. Letterhead with "SS-u." + typing. Source: unknown
doc 81 -- 1943.02.04, Lublin Gendarmerie response to Streibel request (doc 80a) for Dienstausweis replacement for 805-Suslov (Nikolai)
doc 106 -- 1941.08.05, Daluege (per scribbled signature 1) in Berlin to Globocnik in Lublin. Everything typed. Source: unknown
doc 123-124 -- 1941.07.31, Daluege (per scribbled signature 2) in Berlin to 5 addressees. Everything typed with "SS-und".
doc 137-140 -- 1942.08.07, Kintrup (cut off signature) in Lublin to ??. Everything typed. Source: unknown.
doc 155 -- 1944.04.20, 1944.05.20, 1944.08.04, Kaindl in Oranienburg to Berlin. Everything typed. Berlin Document Center
doc 175 -- 1943.05.12, 1943.05.15, Stroop (scribbled signature) in Warschau to Kruger in Krakau. Everything typed. Source: unknown
Absender:  Der SS- und Polizeiführer im Distrikt Warschau
 Der SS- und Polizeiführer
im Distrikt Warschau
gez. Stroop
und Generalmajor d.Polizei

Hybrid 3: (no SS ruhne)
doc 174 -- 1943.04.27, 1943.04.30, Stroop (no signature) in Warschau to Kruger in Krakau. Everything typed. Source: unknown
Absender:  Der SS-und Polizeiführer im Distrikt Warschau
 Der SS-und Polizeiführer
im Distrikt Warschau
gez. Stroop
und Generalmajor der Polizei

[It is amazing that on 27/30Apr1943 the typewriter on which General Stroop (or his flunky) wrote his progress report on the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising did not contain the SS ruhne; whereas on 12/15May1943 such SS ruhne are clearly visible and correctly utilized in his progress report. Note the incorrect usage of "SS-und" rather than "SS- und" in doc 174 as compared to the correct "SS- und" in doc 175.]

Hybrid 2: (no ß)
doc 5 -- 1941.08.05 (White on black) Lublin, Globocnik (scribbled signature only) to Berlin. Corrected letterhead + typing.
doc 6-7 -- 1942.10.??, Lublin, Globocnik (scribbled signature) to Heinrich Himmler. Letterhead + typing. Source: unknown
doc 10 -- 1941.12.20, Lublin, Gothic form filled out by typewriter and hand re Hermann Höfle. Berlin Document Center.
doc 13 -- 1942.03.06, Lublin, Gothic form filled out by typewriter and hand re Karl Streibel.
doc 15 -- 1942.03.18, Gothic form filled out by hand + 2 signatures (Globocnik with SS ruhne and unknown with SS)
doc 16 -- 1942.07.15, Lublin, Globocnik, Höfle (scribbled signatures). Letterhead (SS-und) + typing. Source: unknown
doc 17a -- 1942.07.27, Lublin, unknown (scribbled signature). Letterhead angled: "Der SS- und Polizeiführer"
doc 17b -- 1942.09.16, Lublin, Globocnik (no signature). Letterhead horizontal: "Der SS- und Polizeiführer"
doc 55 -- 1942.03.31(27?), Heinrich Himmler(scribbled signature?) dismissing Globocnik. Everything typed.
doc 77 -- 1943.08.13, Berlin, Pohl (no signature) re SS-Ausbildungslager Trawniki. Everything typed.
doc 80b -- 1943.03.09, Lublin Gendarmerie to Bilgoraj Gender... re Dienstausweis replacement for 1689-Dmytryjiw. Everything typed.
doc 87a -- 1943.09.02, Zamosa, unknown (scribbled signature) to Globocnik in Lublin. Everything typed.
doc 152c -- 1942.07.15, Lublin, Globocnik (scribbled signature) to Höfle/Wippern. Everything typed.
doc 158 -- 1942.05.15, Himmler (another signature cut off) dismisses Globocnik. Everything typed.
doc 204 -- 1942.08.12, Himmler (initialed signature) promotes Höfle to SS-Sturmbannführer on 1942.07.21. Berlin Document Center

[Although there is no ß displayed in the above documents, it is possible that some of them belong in the "German" category, since a word requiring the ß may not be present in the document. ]

Hybrid 1: (no SS ruhne, no ß)
doc 2 -- 1942. ..obr.?? (1941.01.30 ref.), Lublin, Globocnik (scribbled signature only) to Berlin. Incorrect letterhead + typing.
doc 3-4 -- 1941.03.01, Lublin, Globocnik (scribbled signature only) to Berlin. Incorrect letterhead + typing.
doc 8-9 -- no date, Bericht of Höfle:  Gothic form typed, handwritten & signed by Ulbrich; confirmed by Globocnik. Berlin Document Center
doc 12 -- 1942.02.04, (White on black) Lublin, Globocnik (clear signature) to Berlin. Letterhead + typing.
doc 18a -- 1942.10.19, Lublin, unknown (signature) to Lublin. Letterhead + typing.
doc 23 -- 1943.??.21, (White on black) Lublin, Letterhead (SS-und) + typing.
doc 80a -- 1942.01.29 (1943?) Lublin, Streibel to Gendarmerie re replacement Dienstausweis for 805-Suslov (see doc 81).
doc 108 -- 1943.03.06, Ausbildungslager Trawniki, Matschke (clear signature) to Gendarmerie Lublin re Nikolai Suslow, Fedir Dmytryjiw.
doc 157 -- Nürnberg Trial document.

- In the 39 above-listed documents the improper SS designation ( rather than the proper SS ruhne) appears in the following documents:
2, 3-4, 8-9, 12, 15, 18a, 58b, 59, 61c, 80a, 174.
- Some of the misspelled words using ss rather than ß are:
muß, daß, schließe, straße, größter, entschließen, grüßen, anläßlich.
- "THIS COPY HAS BEEN MADE AT BERLIN DOCUMENT CENTER" appears at a 45 degree angle on the following documents:
8-9, 10, 11, 153, 155, 204.
- For some unknown reason, four documents were printed as white lettering on a black background:
5, 12, 23, 24.

(b) Typewriters used for the 48 Trawniki ID cards in the pdf files at trawniki1393.html

The bewildering discrepancies in the documents examined above prompted us to do a similar examination of the 48 Trawniki ID cards archived in trawniki1393.html.
- We have previously noted the errors with respect to the sharp ß on the printed forms: Grösse, Fusslappen, Essgeschirr  (Größe, Fußlappen, Eßgeschirr should be Kochgeschirr) and Besondere Merkmale should be Kennzeichen.
- Below we reproduce the entries for Gesichtsform: and Besondere Merkmale:, as well as other relevant typing for all the 48 cards. [We note that "oval", which is often entered as Gesichtsform, is an English word and does not appear in our German dictionary. Neither does the word Distrikt. The appropriate German word is Gebiet.]

303-Gontscharuk -- oval; ./.
415-Kirelacha -- oval; Schußnarben am rechten Knie und Oberschenkel
                            24.4.42  SS u.Polizeif. Lemberg
                            - Ausbildungslager Trawniki -  [Extra stamp on page 1]
619-Golub -- [Inside pages 2, 3 missing]
749-Jarosch -- oval; ./.
847-Juchnowskij -- rund; 4 cm Narbe am rechten unterschenkel
                                16.6.42  SS u.Polizeif. Lemberg
862-Wutke -- oval; Narbe am linken Handgelenk
                        24.4.42  SS u. Pol. Führer Lemberg
869-Babenko -- oval; ./.
                            2.6.42  Belzec
941-Pritsch -- [Different card]
1016-Daniltschenko -- rund; Auf Link.Handrueken Flugzeug taetowiert  [Auf Link.Handrücken Flugzeug tätowiert]
                                    26.4.23; 24.3.43  Trawniki  [These typed letters are larger.]
                                    [This is the first card utilizing a type S form.]
1040-Titow -- rund; Leichte Pockennarbe  Narbe unterhalb Knie
                        Gebiet Cheljabinsk  [Not "Distrikt" Cheljabinsk]
1123-Kutschnijtschuk -- oval; ./.
1185-Kartaschew -- oval; Narbe von Blinddarm operation
                                 - Ausbildungslager Trawniki -  [Extra sloped stamp on page 1]
1211-Wolembachow -- oval; ./.
1329-Sidortschuk -- oval;  [blank]
1333-Tkatschuk -- [Replacement card?] [Gothic German script with SS ruhne, umlaut vowels -- LOOKS AUTHENTIC]
1333-Tkatschuk -- oval; [blank]
1337-Kabirow -- breit?; Keine
                            16.8.42  Kdo.Radom [Typed letters smaller.]
                            24.3.43  Trawniki  [Typed numbers and letters are larger.]
1393-Demjanjuk -- oval; Narbe auf dem Rücken
1573-Odartschenko -- länglich; ./.
                                    Zuständiger Truppenteil:  [Typed on page 4.]
1653-Agejews -- oval; Leberfleck an linken Wange  [First L and Bazilevskaya handwriting is under photograph.]
1759-Bandarenko -- länglich; ./.
1926-Bondarenko -- rund; ./.
                                Zuständiger Truppenteil:  [Typed on page 4.]
1991-Gamaschow -- oval; grünl.-braun; keine
                                Gebiet Kurskaja  [Not "Distrikt" Kurskaja]
1999-Slowjagin -- [Not legible]
2059-Butenko -- oval; keine
2061-Schtscherbinin -- oval; linke Hand taetowiert  [tätowiert] [Typing seems smaller. Second type S form like 1016-Daniltschenko.]
2077-Rjasanow -- oval; keine  [Type S form; letters seem smaller.]
2091-Djatschuk -- laenglich [länglich]; gruenlichgrau [grünlichgrau]; keine
                             Zuständiger Truppenteil:  [Page 4; larger typing; different typewriter.]
2112-Swesdun -- oval; ./.
                            Zuständiger Truppenteil:  [Page 4; same size as Swesdun, Iwan.]
2128-Poljuchno -- oval; ./.
2246-Ribak -- oval; keine
2537-Solanchukow -- breit; keine
                                    25 NOV. 1942  SS-Standortkommandatur Lublin der Waffen-SS [Stamp?]
2626-Trawniki2626 -- oval; ,/, [Not ./.] [This card is from an external source.][Back]
2633-Sajnakow -- oval; Brannarbe am linke Wange
3183-Masuk -- breit; keine
3213-Turjanski -- breit; keine
                            18.6.43   SS-Standortkommandatur Lublin der Waffen-SS [Stamp?]
3312-Sydorak -- länglich; keine
3323-Pidletentschuk -- voll oval; keine
3349-Kobylezkyj -- oval; Blinddarmoprtion  [Blinddarm operation]
3427-Popeliuk -- breitoval; keine
3440-Nahorniak -- breit; keine
3443-Szkurhan -- länglich; keine
3555-Melnitschuk -- oval; keine
                                18.6.43  SS-Standortkommandatur Lublin der Waffen-SS [Stamp?]
3594-Dziombak -- oval; keine
3596-Kuryliw -- oval; keine
3659-Kuschnir -- oval; keine
3683-Moros -- breit; keine
3684-Tschornopyskij -- oval(?); keine(?)
3695-Ostafijtschuk -- oval; keine
4188-Chwalink -- oval; [blank] [Typing seems smaller.]
4417-Ben -- oval; Narbe auf linker Wange

The variations in the typing on the ID cards listed above further calls their validity into question. Although there is one sharp ß (in 415-Kirelacha) and several umlauted vowels, there are no SS ruhne in the typed words. (The SS ruhne in 2537-Solanchukow, 3213-Turjanski and 3555-Melnitschuk are produced by a stamp.) The fact that double capital letters SS were used in 415-Kirelacha, 847-Juchnowskij and 862-Wutke indicates that the typewriters were incapable of producing the SS ruhne.

However, there are 3 instances where the typewriters could not even produce the umlaut vowels ü, ö, ä in 1016-Daniltschenko, 2061-Schtscherbinin and 2091-Djatschuk. This indicates that an English-language typewriter was used to produce these 3 cards.

It is also surprising that typewriters with different size fonts were used. One would need to examine the originals and/or high-resolution color images to differentiate the various typewriters used.

To conclude this subsection, we would like to draw the reader's attention to the two 1333-Tkatschuk cards, one of which is called a "replacement" card suggesting that the other card is the "original".  Unfortunately, the "original" card (which was sent by the Russian FSB on 1999.07.20 and translated by Hindrichs on 2001.05.22) refers to a Maksim Tkatschuk, born on 1905.03.01; whereas the "replacement" card (from an unknown origin, but translated by Hindrichs on 1995.03.31) refers to a Dmytro Tkatschuk born on 1919.04.10. Nevertheless, this "replacement" card specifies the Druckerei and the date of printing as "20 March 1943, Möller Printers, Oranienburg", which gives it an appearance of legitimacy. Unfortunately, the quality of the image in the pdf file is so poor that a detailed examination is not possible.

G4.  "Authentic" documents in Dragan's 213-page collection

In his 213-page document collection, Dragan presents the lack of a hyphen after the SS ruhne in the letterhead and official seal in documents 1 to 4 as examples of improper German grammar, which were quickly corrected as exemplified in documents 5 to 24. Although this may be true, a close examination of these documents reveals a number of other improper features, which bring their authenticity into question.

For example, although doc 1 seems to be in good German (except for the lack of a hyphen as noted above), docs 2, 3-4 have no ß nor SS ruhne, doc 6-7 has the SS ruhne but no ß, doc 8-9 starts fine but the final alleged Globocnik signature and rank uses "schliesse" and "SS-Brigadeführer".

Similarly, doc 12 has a clear readable Globocnik signature, but has no SS ruhne and uses the double SS throughout; whereas in doc 15 the scribbled Globocnik signature and rank using the SS ruhne is counterbalanced by his superior's signature in Krakau as "SS-Obergruppenführer u. General der Polizei", i.e. without the SS ruhne.

Also, the "corrected" letterhead "Der SS- und Polizeiführer im Distrikt Lublin" is not uniform, such that docs 16, 19, 22, 23 have "SS-und" and doc 24 has "SS-u.", that is, there is no space after the hyphen. Was Globocnik that stupid that he would not have noticed this grammatical error, especially after having corrected the original error? Finally, the undecipherable scribble alleged to be the signature of Globocnik is not convincing except for the clear legible signature in doc 12.

Incongruities proliferate in the rest of the documents:
- Doc 61 consists of 3 short letters from "Der SS- und Polizeiführer im Distrikt Lublin". The one from Globocnik has "SS-und" in the letterhead and "SSBrigadeführer" in his rank. Of the other two, one has "SS-und Polizeiführer" in the text and the other has the double SS in three places.
- In doc 58b dated 1943.09.24, Streibel refers to "SS- Ausbildungslager Trawniki" presumably reflecting the transfer of the management and administration of the Trawniki Training Camp to the SS-WVHA on 1943.08.13 as indicated in doc 77.
- In doc 80a, Streibel uses the double SS twice rather than the SS ruhne.

To conclude, our analysis of Dragan's 213-page document collection makes us question the authenticity of many of the "authenticated" documents therein. Hopefully, this will not affect most of Dragan's conclusions. Perhaps skeptical researchers should examine the hypothesis that Globocnik, Streibel and others associated with the Trawniki ID cards in the Demjanjuk trial were acting as a rogue element within the German administration.

H.  The 4th Directorate of the MGB

Despite the glaring signature of Z. Bazilevskaya as an employee of the 4th Directorate of the MGB on most of the Trawniki ID cards submitted by the prosecution in the John Demjanjuk trials, everyone has studiously avoided examining Ms. Bazilevskaya or the organization she worked for. The impression is left that the MGB was an upstanding police institution, whose sole function was to ferret out and arrest Ukrainians responsible for the death of Jews during WWII. The reality is much more ugly.

H1.  History of the MGB

A simple Internet search for "USSR MGB" reveals:


1941 The NKGB's independence was short lived. In late June 1941, after the German invasion, the NKGB was resubordinated into the NKVD as the GUGB to ensure closer control of the nation's security apparatus during this chaotic time.
1943 In April 1943, after the military situation had changed in favour of the USSR, the GUGB was again removed from the NKVD and became the NKGB. This time the change lasted until the birth of the MGB in 1946.
1946 In March 1946 the Soviet government was restructured and all People's Commissariats (NK) were redesignated Ministries (M). Thus the NKVD became the MVD and the NKGB became the MGB. Merkulov was replaced as head of the new MGB by V.S. Abakumov, S.N. Kruglov replaced Beria as head of the MVD, and Beria became a full member of the Soviet Politburo and a deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers exercising full control over the MVD and MGB.
On 6 March 1953, the day after Stalin died, Beria succeeded in uniting the MVD and MGB into one body, the MVD.
On 13 March 1954, after Beria's fall, " secret trial", and execution, the monster unified MVD was again split up. The reformed MVD retained its traditional policing and internal security functions while the new KGB took on the state security functions of the MGB. The KGB was subordinated to the USSR Council of Ministers, the Soviet Cabinet.

The English-language Wikipedia at
claims the 4th Directorate of the KGB was responsible for transportation security:
Fourth Directorate (Transportation security)

whereas the Russian-language Wikipedia at
states that after the reorganization in March 1954 (folding the MGB into the new KGB) the 4th Directorate was involved in the "Struggle with anti-Soviet underground, nationalist formations and hostile elements":

Приказом председателя КГБ от 18 марта 1954 г. была определена структура нового ведомства, в котором, не считая вспомогательных и обеспечивающих подразделений, были образованы:
Четвертое управление (борьба с антисоветским подпольем, националистическими формированиями и враждебными элементами);
Fourth directorate (Struggle with anti-Soviet underground, nationalist formations and hostile elements)

The heads of the repressive organs in the USSR during and following WWII were:
NKGB              Vsevolod Nikolayevich Merkulov      1941 (Feb–Jul)
NKVD              Lavrenti Pavlovich Beria                    1941–43
NKGB–MGB   Vsevolod Nikolayevich Merkulov      1943–46
MGB                Viktor Semyonovich Abakumov        1946–51
MGB                Semyon Denisovich Ignatyev             1951–53
MGB                Lavrenti Pavlovich Beria                    1953 (Mar–Jun)
MGB                Sergei Nikiforovich Kruglov              1953–54

Pitovranov, Evgenii Petrovich, Lieutenant-General
1957-1960 Head of 4th Directorate, Committee of State Security KGB

Although it is obvious that the MGB during its existence from 1946 to 1954 performed exactly these functions in crushing the Ukrainian independence movement, it is not clear that the MGB would have had a 4th Directorate, as the signatures of Z. Bazilevskaya (purportedly in 1948) on the Trawniki ID cards imply.

H2. "Ethnic" Cleansing in the Baltics

Operation "Priboi" (Operation "Coastal Surf") was the code name for the Soviet mass deportation from the Baltic states on March 25–28, 1949, called March deportation by Baltic historians. Some 90,000 Estonians, Latvians and Lithuanians, labeled as enemies of the people, were deported to inhospitable areas of the Soviet Union. It was one of the most complex deportation operations engineered by the Soviets in the Cold war era.[1]

While portrayed as "de-kulakisation", the operation was intended to facilitate the forced collectivisation of rural households and to eliminate the support base for the insurgency by the Forest Brothers against Soviet occupation.[2] Thus the Soviets specifically targeted anti-Soviet nationalists, supporters and kin of the Forest Brothers, veterans who served in the German military and relatives of those already held in the Soviet Gulag for alleged anti-Soviet activities.[1] The deportation fulfilled its purposes: within a few following weeks, almost all of the rural households had submitted to the terror and "voluntarily" accepted collectivisation.

Due to the high death rate of deportees during the first few years of their Siberian exile, caused by the failure of Soviet authorities to provided suitable clothing or housing at the destination, whether through neglect or premeditation, some sources consider these deportations an act of genocide.[3][4][5] Based on the Martens Clause and the principles of the Nuremberg Charter, the European Court of Human Rights has held that the March deportation constituted a crime against humanity.[6][7]
Lithuania: Since 1947, the repressive power of MGB grew higher. Internal and border troops, section of fight against partisans, detachments of destroyers, governmental HF communications, as well as militia, were handed over into its disposition. For suppression of the armed resistance, which lasted for almost 10 years, the internal troops, detachments of destroyers, shock troops, wide network of agents and informers of various categories was used.

H3. Destroying OUN-UPA in Ukraine

Chapter 5 (pp. 167-201) of the book, “Heroes and Villains” CEU Press 2007 (ISBN 978-9637326981) by David Marples provides a good overview of the efforts of the NKVD-MGB to crush the Ukrainian independence movement by infiltrating, compromising and destroying the OUN-UPA.
P171 – “The goal was to compromise the nationalists by killing civilians in the name of the UPA, as well as to eliminate the leaders of both OUN and UPA. The beginnings of such an operation reportedly began with the dissolution of Kovpak’s Partisan Brigade and its division into mobile units on 20 September 1944. The goal of these units was to combat UPA insurgents, while the staff and property of the Kovpak brigade were transferred to the NKVD.”

“Under his leadership [Boris Pavlovich Koryakov] the NKVD conducted some 200 operations in the Rivne region.”

“the scope of the terror inflicted was so extreme that even the NKVD began to complain”

“The chief culprits were ‘special units’ of the MGB, created to ‘root out remnants of the nationalist underground’.”

“It was thus difficult to distinguish who was a mere criminal and who was acting on the orders of the MGB.” [Ref. 8 a]

P171-2 – “Similarly, on June 9, 1949, the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Ukrainian SSR, Tymofii Strokach, … complained that there had been several occasions when persons posing as MGB agents carried out robberies in Western Ukraine.  … autumn of 1944, portray drunken state officials and troops carrying out rape and murder, executing the elderly, beating priests and setting fire to property.” [Ref 8 b]

An interview by Tetyana Kharchenko of Mykola Symchych provides an insight into the mentality of an UPA partisan:
p183 – “Mykola Symchych, an insurgent who spent  a total of 32 years in Soviet camps and prisons” after being captured and tortured by MGB troops. [Ref. 33]
Ref. 8 – Ivan Bilas, “Protystoyannya: aktsii represyvnoho aparatu totalitarnoho rezhymu proty natsional’no-vyzvol’noho rukhu ukrains’koho narodu,” Literaturna Ukraina, 22 October 1992, p. 7. [and 29 October 1992]

Ref. 33 – Tetyana Kharchenko, “Mizh povstantsiamy i chervonymy partyzanamy nemaye niyakoho antahonizmu,” Ukraina moloda, 20 July 2003, p. 5. [Wednesday, 30 July 2003]

The two articles by Ivan Bilas and the interview of Myroslav Symchych -- all three in the Ukrainian language with many Russian quotes --  very clearly expose the mentality and operations of the MGB within Ukraine during and following WWII.  Unfortunately, we could not locate electronic copies of the Bilas articles. It was necessary to scan them peicemeal from microfilm images into pdf files and then painstakingly utilize an OCR program to create the electronic versions. To make these articles understandable to English-language readers, we then utilized a translation program to translate the Ukrainian-Russian text into English and appended them at the bottom of the original articles. A word of warning. There are a great many transcription and translation errors in these files; nevertheless, the gist of these articles is perfectly clear.

The two Bilas articles commemorate the 50th anniverary of the "official" establishment of the UPA on 14Oct1942, discuss the resistance of the Ukrainian people against the genocidal policies of the USSR and highlight the "actions of the repressive apparatus of the totalitarian regime against the national-liberation movement of the Ukrainian people ".   We summarize the contents of these two articles in the sections below.

H4.   Literaturna Ukraina | 22Oct1992 | Ivan Bilas

- During 1939 - 1941 first Soviet occupation -- 1,070,000 Western Ukrainians were repressed.
- 01Jul1944 - 01Jan1945 -- 124,336 Western Ukrainians liquidated; 1,426 NKVD-NKGB agents lost.

a) Pro-Soviet partisan movement  against UPA
- 05Sep1942 -- directive appointing K. Voroshilov as Commander in Chief.
- 05Dec1942 -- Ponomarenko memo to Stalin re "Taras Bulba" and Ukrainian nationalists.
- 11Jan1943 -- Colonel Sokolov plan to disrupt nationalist movement by looting and killing civilians in guise of UPA.
- 03Nov1943 -- Belchenko/Anisimov memo to infiltrate OUN-UPA.
- June to 01Aug1943 -- Kovpak Carpathian raid which alienated Ukrainian partisans and ended with destruction by Germans.

b) Special provocative-investigative groups of the NKVD-MGB
- often acting in guise of OUN-UPA bandits.
- 20Sep1944 -- directive to disband Kovpak partisan division and augment NKVD-MGB units.
- Mar1945 -- "Bistroho" spets-group under Sokolov created.
- 20Jan1946 -- report of Groshkov lauding Sokolov.
- 1945  -- report of Gavrilov lauding Koryakov of spets-group "Eagle".
- 15Feb1949  -- report of Kosharsky.
- 09Jun1949 -- memo of Strokach to Kruglov re MGB groups terrorizing civilians in guise of OUN bandits.

H5.   Literaturna Ukraina | 29Oct1992 | Ivan Bilas

a) Punitive military units of the NKVD-MGB in the struggle against the OUN-UPA
- spring 1944 -- 26,304 NKVD personnel, fully armed and equipped.
- March 1944 -- 2 infantry brigades totaling 5,236 men and 22 tanks.
- 16May1945 --Konstantinov memo re NKVD-NKGB burning houses and killing civilians,
- 22Oct1944 -- Polanski/Moldovanov destroy Konaenki village; 10 dead, 45 houses burned.
- 25Oct1944 -- Vorotnikov kills Mrs. Parfenyuk, 1 son, 3 daughters; 2nd son hides and survives.
- 30Oct1944 -- Klimenko/Schwab kill priest Pribytovsky, terrorize family, burn barn, rob valuables.
- 16Jan1946 -- Riasny transfer to Strokach reports on period from Feb1944 to 01Jan1946.
                     -- 39,773 operations; 443,960 killed/arrested including 103,313 bandits killed; 110,785 deserters, 8,370 OUN, 15,959 UPA.
- 18Jul1946 -- Pavlov memo to Strokach re negative sentiment towards MVD personnel.
- 21Jul1946 -- Pavlov memo to Strokach re growth of crime within MVD troops.
- 09May1946 -- Sorokin/Karpov cripple woman during interrogation.
                      -- Kazakov does illegal detentions, inhuman torture, death of citizen Duma.
-   May 1946 -- Shashin tortures pregnant woman, Saba, causing a miscarriage.
- 14Jul1946 -- Aminov terrorizes son and mother; shoots dog.
- 13/14Sep1946 -- Skotnikov, Butov, Stepanov, Vasiliev terrorize town of Mikitintsy in guise of UPA bandits.
              Butov attempts to rape a 14 year old girl.
              Terrorize Mykytiuk family, Butov and Skotnikov rape Anna Mykytiuk.
              Terrorize Vasyl Orinyan
               Butov, Skotnikov, Stepanov rape Anna Kornyat
The raped women make complaint to Lagoda and Deputy Bondarev; Skotnikov shoots Anna Mykytiuk in leg; further inquiry but everything is whitewashed; Skotnikov is reprimanded and returns to active duty.
- 06Feb1946 -- Zydon report to Leontiev re 23Oct1945 burglary of Lviv museum.
- 05Jun 1946 -- Strokach to Korotky re 27Apr1946 looting/destruction of archival documents in Bernardine archive.

In December 1991, Skrypnyk sent 1250 volumes of case documents of NKVD-NKGB-MGB actions in Western Ukraine during the years 1943 to 1951 to Moscow.

- 21Jul1946 -- Irizruoy to Pavlov re carpet-bagger Kozlov enriching himself and his friends by stealing valuables from homes of deportees.
-  July 1946 -- Chetverikov and Tolstov enriching themselves with stolen loot.

From 1944 through 1949 a total of 50,433  families consisting of 143,141  people were deported from Western Ukraine to the Siberian Gulags.

- 17Dec1948 -- Strokach petition to Kruglov to prevent 4,724 families consisting of 12,760 people, who had been deported in 1944 from returning home from exile after their 5 year stint by extending the period of exile to 20 years.
-  April 6, 1950 -- the USSR Council of Ministers adopted a resolution extending the period of exile --- forever.

"Such a picture emerged in Ukraine fifty years ago: the greatness and tragedy. Greatness -- the organized resistance of our people against the occupation regimes, the creation of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army and its armed struggle for the Independent Ukrainian State. Tragedy - the unheard of measures of punitive policy of the Stalinist regime against freedom-loving people and their organic desire for their own state in which they would be able to live their lives; repressions, which took the lives of hundreds of thousands of sons and daughters of the Ukrainian people, about whom the Sovereign Ukrainian state should not now forget, bowing its head low before all those who fought for its existence, for its freedom and independence against its numerous armed enemies."

H6.  Ukraina Moloda |  30Jul2003 | Tetyana Kharchenko

Myroslav Symchych was born  in the village of Nyzhni Bereziv in the foothills of the Carpathian Mountains. During and following WWII, he was one of the UPA leaders operating under the pseudonym Kryvonis. He was eventually captured by the MGB and sentenced to 25 years in the Gulag. After his early release he was re-arrested and spent a total of 32 years in the camps and in exile.

Tetyana Kharchenko summarizes the contents of the interview as follows:
"In the past, Mr. Myroslav was an  UPA Centurian and political prisoner, who spent more than 32 years (or 11,000,775 days) in prisons and concentration camps. He was tortured and beaten, but not pacified by the brutality of camp guards or unsympathetic environment at large. Behind bars Symchych became friends and met with the leading Ukrainian Sixtiers: writer Evhen Sverstyuk, poets Ivan Svitlychny and Ihor Kalynets, journalist Valeriy Marchenko. Together, they put the Soviet Union on its ear by sending abroad a letter of protest from the Urals camp, which was published in the German magazine "Spiegel". The world then learned about the horrors that lay behind bars in "the great and indestructible" USSR."

The Chronicle of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army is archived in the infoukes.com/upa/ website. A Litopys UPA online version is also available at the litopysupa.com website.

H7.  Conclusion

The material in this section clearly demonstrates that the main function of the 4th Directorate of the MGB was to "Struggle with anti-Soviet underground, nationalist formations and hostile elements". They used terror, torture, deportation and deception to destroy the independence movements in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and, especially, Ukraine.

 We know that the MGB transmuted into the KGB on 13Mar1954 after the execution of Beria and that Lieutenant-General Evgenii Petrovich Pitovranov was the head of 4th Directorate of the KGB in 1957-1960. We also know that Z. Bazilevskaya, who signed the Trawniki ID card, worked for the 4th Directorate either in 1948 when it was part of the MGB or in 1974 when it was part of the KGB. One wonders who the head of the 4th Directorate of the FSB of the Russian Federation is today?

When the 4th Directorate conspired to initiate the case of John Demjanjuk in 1974 they were fullfilling their stated mandate, "Destruction of the anti-Soviet underground, nationalist formations and hostile elements" by discrediting the Ukrainian independence movement in the Diaspora and within Ukraine. Who would have imagined how wildly successful they would be? They have compromised the judicial system in the United States with the creation of the Office of Special Investigations followed by the treasonous machinations of Allan Ryan, Walter Rockler and their ilk; in Canada with the establishment of the denatualization and deportation policy, where Canadian judges accepted KGB documents and travelled to the USSR to hear testimony of the KGB-prepared witnesses; and now Germany, where the prosecution and judges blindly accept documents and testimony prepared and selected by the 4th Directorate of the KGB.

I.  Katelnytsky submission, 1993.07.21

Despite having to work from a wheelchair, Volodymyr Katelnytsky was a professional journalist, who was very involved in Ukrainian affairs during the 1990's. As President of the Demjanjuk Defense Committee in Kyiv, he submitted an appeal on behalf of John Demjanjuk to the Supreme Court of Israel shortly before they overturned the guilty verdict of the lower court on 29Jul1993.

On the night of 07/08Jul1997,  Mr. Katelnytsky and his 81-year-old mother were torture-murdered in their apartment in a most brutal fashion. His material on the John Demjanjuk case disappeared. Their murderers were never apprehended.

A copy of Mr. Katelnytsky's submission was enclosed with other material sent to me by Myroslav Dragan on 03Nov1994. Unfortunately, it did not include any of the enclosures referred to in the submission. We used OCR technology to create the katelnytsky19930721IsraelSupremeCourt.html file linked in this section. The submission consists of 11 numbered points, which we summarize below. We then discuss the content in the following sub-section.

I1.  Summary
(1)  Prior to 1975, although there were several "Ivans" associated with Treblinka, none carried the moniker "The Terrible".
[Encl. 1 = 02Nov1992 article in Ukrainian Voice, Winnipeg; Jan1993 article in Zorya, Toronto.]

(2)  Diesel exhaust is not lethal. [Encl. 2, Encl. 3]

(3)  An in-depth investigation in Sep1942 by Zalman Friedrich and Uziel Wallach of the Polish Jewish BUND contradicts the testimony presented at the Jerusalem trial. [Encl. 4 = Sep1942 issue of "On Guard", a Warsaw Ghetto underground newspaper.]

(4)  Wartime Underground and Allied governmental reports indicate that Treblinka-I was a "forced labor camp", Treblinka-II was a "concentration camp proper", and Treblinka-III (located 40 km further north in Czerwony Bor, or Red Forest) was "the death camp".
[Encl. 5 = official report of Polish Government-in-Exile to Apr1943, Bermuda Conference of the Allies.]
[Encl. 6 = 1944 issue of wartime publication Ghetto Speaks published in New York.]

(5)  No Jews who entered Treblinka-III in Czerwony Bor survived to tell of it.
[Encl. 7 = Rudolf Reder, sole survivor of Belzec camp.]
[Encl. 8 = 1946 and 1981 entries in The Black Book indicating 10,000 people at a time were electrocuted in an underground pool of water and cremated within minutes.]

(6)  Presumably, many Treblinka-II survivors were deposed under oath on numerous occasions:
- in 1944 at Treblinka by a Soviet commission chaired by Nikita Khrushchev;
- in 1945, 1947, 1950-53, 1961-63 and 1969 by various Soviet courts and later during Fedir Fedorenko's trial at Simferopol;
- in 1945 in Lodz by a Polish magistrate, Judge Zdzislaw Lukaszkiewicz (in preparation for the Nuremberg trials);
- in 1946 in Germany during the Nuremberg trial;
- in 1954 in Warsaw during the trial of four former Treblinka-II guards: Melnyk, Dmyterenko, Osiczanski and Rudenko, all Ukrainians, who after helping Jews at that camp were forced to desert it in 1942 and 1943;
- during at least three Treblinka-II trials in West Germany:
      - in 1951 against H. Hitereiter et al,
      - in 1964 against Treblinka-II’s second commandant, Kurt Franz et al,
      - in 1970 against Treblinka-II commandant, Franz Stangl.
[Encl. 9 = T. Borowski explanation re Ivan Marchenko as Treblinka-II playboy.]

(7)  On 05Nov1945 in Lodz, Poland, about 12 Jewish Treblinka-II survivors appearing before Judge Lukaszkiewicz could recall only 5 "Ukrainians" without assigning to them any crimes or atrocities. John Demjanjuk was not listed at all.
[Encl. 10 = Judge Lukaszkiewicz report of 05Nov1945 interrogation of over a dozen Jewish Treblinka-II survivors to recall all possible perpetrators from the Treblinka-II camp.]

(8)  Luftwaffe air photos and a Nov1945 forensic-archeological exhumation of the Treblinka-II burial site indicate that its area was about 60 m x 6 m and its depth was less than 6 meters. This is much smaller than required to contain 850,000 corpses as alleged in the Jerusalem trial.
[Encl. 11a = Luftwaffe air photos of Treblinka-II camp.]
[Encl. 12 = Judge Lukaszkiewicz report of the Nov1945 forensic-archeological exhumation of the Treblinka-II burial site.]

(9)  Eye level photos taken in mid-August of 1944 by the Soviet investigating commission confirm the small size of the mass grave at the Treblinka-II camp. This confirms that Treblinka-II was a deadly transit camp and not a death camp.
[Encl. 11b = Eye level photos taken in mid-August of 1944 by a Soviet investigating commission.]

(10)  Examples of false testimony of imprisoned perpetrators:
-  Apr1945 Dr. W. G. Schuebbe confession to killing 21,000 victims with injections [Encl. 13] and that he was Director of the German Annihilation Institute in Kyiv, where 140,000 victims were killed with morphine tartarate injections.
-  In summer of 1945, Kurt Gerstein confessed that the Nazis had killed 25 million victims [Encl. 14].
-  Nine German officers confessed to killing "10,000 Polish officers at Katyn" and were hanged on 30Jan1946 in Leningrad.
-  Auschwitz Commandant Rudolf Hoess confessed to killing 3.5 million victims before being hanged in 1948.
-  Otto Horn and F. Suchomel in the mid-1960s were provided immunity from prosecution for confessing and implicating their colleagues at the Treblinka-II camp. Thus, the Otto Horn testimony and identification of John Demjanjuk is unreliable.

(11)  John Demjanjuk's Israeli lawyer, Yoram Sheftel, failed to present the above exonerating evidence to the Israeli court.
[Encl. 15 = Documentation of acid being thrown in face of Yoram Sheftel and Dov Eitan defenestration from very high window onto Jerusalem sidewalk.]

I2.  Discussion
Although we have seen some of the material in Katelnytsky's submission before, there is much new material which researchers are obliged to examine. This includes the very surprising claim in sections (4) and (5) that there existed a Treblinka-III in Czerwony Bor which was the "real" death camp. Presumably, this is documented in enclosures 5 and 6 from 1943 and 1944. The even earlier investigation of Trebinka-II in September 1942 (presumably documented in enclosure 4) is also surprising.

I was astounded by the number of investigations, depositions and trials associated with Treblinka-II since the initial Soviet investigation  in 1944 as listed in section (6). One would expect the information from these early investigations to be more reliable than the propaganda concocted since 1975.

The aerial photos and the eye-level photos referred to in sections (8) and (9) call into question the 850,000 death toll attributed to Treblinka-II.

Mr. Katelnytsky distributed his submission to a very extensive CC list of some 25 individuals and 50 news outlets. It is surprising that it does not seem to have been published in any newspaper or referred to by these individuals. The one person that did write extensively on Volodymyr Katelnytsky was Dr. Lubomyr Prytulak in his now defunct Ukrainian Archive, UKAR. Three of his articles are reproduced at 1, 2, 3.

Finally, we conclude that it is likely that Volodomyr Katelnytsky collaborated with Myroslav Dragan (see Section G above), since some of the material is the same in both submissions and he refers to the Historical Polish Society in the USA.

-- To be continued --